National liberation struggle in the countries of North Africa. National liberation movement in Asian and African countries

Anti-colonial protests at the beginning of the 20th century. The emergence of the ideology of African nationalism

The African population did not accept their fate and refused to be slaves to the European colonialists.

After the final conquest of Africa, massive peasant uprisings broke out in different parts of the continent for many years and decades. This was the case, for example, in Nigeria and Cameroon, where they did not stop until the First World War. A continuous series of uprisings swept through French West Africa. The stubborn struggle to restore independence lasted with varying success for 20 years (from 1899 to 1921) in Somalia. It was headed by Mohammed bin Abdullah Hassan, nicknamed by the British “the mad mullah.” The most significant in scale were the protests of peasants in South-West Africa against the Germans.

colonialists in 1904-1907 During their suppression, up to 3/4 of the rebels died. The Maji-Maji uprising in German East Africa claimed the lives of 120 thousand people. The Zulu uprising in 1906 in South Africa against Anglo-Boer rule was a major one. A liberation uprising against the French colonialists broke out in Madagascar in 1904, and the rebels fought here until 1915.

The process of formation of the ideology of liberation began with representatives of the first generation of African intelligentsia, which arose in the second half of the 19th century. These were officials, clergy, people of liberal professions. Having received an education, mainly European, in different ways, some of them began to condemn colonial policies and against European domination and exploitation. They are usually called the first African educators. But among the African intelligentsia there were those who took the side of the colonialists and sincerely believed in the civilizing mission of Europe in Africa.

Among those who stood at the origins of African nationalism were the priest Samuel Crowther (1812-1891), the doctor James Horton (1835-1883), the Foreign Minister of Liberia Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912), and others.

They made calls for the unification of Africans in defending their rights, for self-government, for the preservation of cultural heritage, for the creation of an Afro-Christian church. E.W. Blyden is rightfully considered the father of African nationalism, the developer of the theories of Pan-Africanism and “African socialism”. He was also the founder of the theory of “spiritual decolonization.”

The intellectual struggle of Crowther, Horton, Blyden and other educators laid the foundations for the ideology of liberation, which became the banner of new generations of independence fighters.

Africa during the First World War

During the First World War, the countries of the African continent played an important role in providing the metropolitan states with strategic mineral raw materials, food products and human resources. In English West Africa, in order to meet the increased needs of its military industry, Great Britain increased the production of minerals (bauxite and manganese ore on the Gold Coast, tin and coal in Nigeria). In addition, the British from the colonies in large quantities Meat, cotton, wool, palm oil, and cocoa were exported. In an effort to shift the hardships of wartime onto the indigenous population of Africa, British companies increased exports.

tariffs, simultaneously reducing purchase prices for local goods, which entailed a fall in the real incomes of African workers and employees, as well as a significant increase in the cost of living. The colonialists recruited more than 25 thousand Africans to join the West African Frontier Force. Many of them died in battles for German-owned Togo (August 1914) and Cameroon (1914-1916), and then in East Africa in Tanganyika.

Similar processes occurred in French Western and Equatorial Africa. Additional and emergency loans and taxes were imposed on its residents, leading to a decline in the general standard of living and starvation of the vast majority of the African indigenous population. In addition, the metropolitan government carried out forced mobilization, conscripting about 250 thousand people into the army, of which over 160 thousand participated in battles on various fronts of the First World War (including in Europe). Approximately 35 thousand of them died. Units of the Senegalese riflemen, staffed by Africans, fought together with British formations on the territory of the German colonies of Togo and Cameroon. At the beginning of 1916, after stubborn fighting, they managed to oust the remnants of the defeated German troops in Rio Muni. Here they were later interned by the colonial authorities of Spanish Guinea.

In the Belgian Congo, rich in deposits of copper, cobalt, zinc and tin, the war spurred the development of the mining industry, which brought large profits to the foreign monopolies involved in their development. But the main burden of military trials fell on Africans. The rank and file of the army were formed from them, and the Belgians forced men who were not conscripted to manually deliver military cargo and food across the country to the eastern borders of the colony, where until April 1916 there were local battles with German troops, who were trying to unite their North African possessions with Cameroon . Only after receiving sufficient reinforcements from the metropolis did the Belgian units go on the offensive, capturing the administrative center of German East Africa Tabora in September 1916 and reaching the Indian Ocean coast in 1917.

Portugal was also an ally of the Entente countries during the First World War, and with the financial support of England, it intensified the exploitation of the population of the colonies under its control. However, its participation in military operations was generally insignificant and was reduced to the opening of the front against the Germans from Rhodesia and relatively short clashes with the significantly thinned German detachments that broke through to Mozambique at the end of 1917.

Due to the long-standing Anglo-Boer antagonism, it cost Great Britain to involve the South African Union in the war against Germany. Nevertheless, contrary to the Boers' overt nationalist rhetoric, the London-oriented South African Army sent tens of thousands of soldiers first to South-West Africa, in the summer of 1915 to Egypt and Europe, and then to German East Africa. Here the South African divisions, suffering significant losses, fought until the very end of the world war.

The longest battles took place in vast areas in the eastern part of the African continent. England and Germany, which initially had approximately 5 thousand soldiers and officers each, in 1914-1915. were limited mainly to carrying out local operations of local importance, which did not give a serious advantage to any of the warring parties. Left without the support of the mother country due to the naval blockade, the German colonial authorities built small enterprises in Dar es Salaam and Morogoro for the production of army equipment - cartridges, ammunition and clothing. At the same time, to create reserves of raw materials and food, they expanded, using the forced labor of Africans, the areas for agricultural food and industrial crops.

The advantage of the forces of the anti-German coalition was clearly determined only in 1916. Having transferred large military formations to Kenya and Uganda, Great Britain, together with the allied Belgian and Portuguese units, launched an offensive against a 2,000-strong group under the command of Lettow-Vorbeck, blocked on all sides, which in November 1917 . managed to break through to Mozambique, and from there in 1918 to Northern Rhodesia, where, having learned about the end of the war in Europe, she laid down her arms. By that time, it consisted of 1,300 soldiers and officers and 1,600 porters. The combined forces of England, Belgium and Portugal, whose number exceeded 300 thousand military personnel, acted against her.

The war, to one degree or another, also affected those African countries whose territory was outside the main hostilities. Sudanese units, at the behest of the British command, fought in the regions of East Africa and French Equatorial Africa, and participated in patrolling the Suez Canal zone and the Sinai Peninsula. In 1915, thousands of Sudanese were used by the British in construction fortifications and sapper work during the Dardanelles operation.

With the outbreak of hostilities in Europe, internal political disagreements in the ruling circles of Ethiopia sharply worsened. Incited by the German-Austrian and Turkish missions in Addis Ababa, Mikael's party was increasingly inclined to declare war on the Entente powers. However, her agents, with the help of the Old and Young Ethiopians, managed to carry out a palace coup in 1916. As a result, the daughter of Menelik II, Zauditu, was proclaimed empress. Power was shared with her by the regent Tafari Mekkonen, who later ascended the throne of the Emperor of Ethiopia under the name Haile Selassie I.

Liberia, which declared political neutrality shortly after the start of the war, initially tried to maintain its former ties with its main foreign trade partner, Germany. But due to the tight naval blockade established by Entente ships and separating the country from the economically important German market, the Liberian leadership, under pressure from the governments of the anti-German coalition, declared war on Germany in 1918, which subsequently allowed the Monrovia delegation to participate in the meetings of the Versailles Peace Conference.

First world war, accompanied by enormous human casualties, increased economic oppression, endless requisitions and the introduction of new taxes, contributed to the growth of anti-colonial sentiments and became the driving force large number uprisings among the indigenous inhabitants of the African continent. Mass anti-British protests took place in the territories of Sudan, Nigeria, and the Gold Coast. The population of Chad, as well as the Upper Volta and Niger river basins, repeatedly rose up in arms against the oppression of the French colonial administration. In the Belgian Congo, rebel detachments in the Lomami district fought with particular tenacity against foreign enslavers. Portugal had to fight not so much with German troops, but with the sharply intensified liberation movement of the Angolan people, which primarily covered the southern regions of the country. The destruction of the traditional way of life, combined with increased exploitation and exorbitant exactions, caused numerous riots in South-East Africa, the most significant of which was the Nyasaland uprising of 1915.

Despite the fact that the spontaneous and scattered actions of the Africans were ultimately suppressed, the sacrifices made became for them an important school of experience for further anti-colonial struggle, which moved into a new phase after the end of the First World War.

Division of the Germans - The colonial possessions of the countries defeated as a result of the colonies of the First World War were distributed

in Africa between the victorious countries already in May 1919,

i.e. before the official creation of the League of Nations. The latter confirmed the new boundaries of the colonial empires.

Division of Germany's colonial possessions in Africa, an area of ​​2.5 million square meters. km and with a population of about 13 million people was legally formalized by the mandate system of the League of Nations. The creation of the mandate system reflected new features of the post-war period. Its authors tried to find somewhat more respectable forms for the colonial “redivision” of Africa than was the case during the division of the continent at the end of the 19th century.

In accordance with the mandate system, the German colonies were divided into two categories “B” and “C” (category “A” included parts of the former Ottoman Empire). German East Africa, Togo and Cameroon fell into category "B". Only one territory was included in category “C” - South-West Africa, which was considered the most backward of the former German colonies. The League of Nations, handing over a mandate to govern, demanded that the European power that received this mandate fulfill the duty of a civilized country to ensure the welfare and development of a territory that is not able to self-govern “in difficult conditions modern world" The text of the mandate stated that the mandate country receives full legislative and administrative power in the mandated territory and can consider it as its constituent part. In other words, like a new colonial acquisition. True, it was forbidden to build military bases and other military facilities in mandated territories, in particular group “B”.

German East Africa was divided between Great Britain, Belgium and Portugal. England received the bulk of the territory of the former German colony. It became part of the British Empire under the name Tanganyika. Ruanda and Urundi were placed under Belgian rule and annexed to the Congo. A small area in the southeast of German East Africa with the city of Kionga was given to Portugal, which annexed it to its colony of Mozambique.

The Union of South Africa received a mandate for the German colony of South-West Africa. The territory of Cameroon was divided between England and France. France received a mandate for most of the territory (5/6 of the territory). The same thing happened with Togo. France received a mandate for the eastern, most part, Great Britain - for the western. So on the colonial political map

New formations appeared in Africa: French and English Cameroon, French and English Togo. In fact, each of the divided territories was integrated into the system of border colonial possessions of England and France.

Creation of a mandate system, which is nothing more than new form establishment of colonial rule, caused protest and indignation among the progressive sections of the public in Europe, gave impetus to the African peoples to take decisive action against the colonialists and colonial system generally.

Tropical and Southern Africa in the interwar period. The emergence of national liberation movement

The hardships of life in the colonial market, increased exploitation and racial discrimination, and the deprivation of the opportunity to live in their own way caused a new surge of resistance in the African colonies after the war. During this period, food riots, strike movements, protest demonstrations, and open disobedience to authorities became everyday facts.

Many of these performances continued to be spontaneous. However, since the beginning of the 20s. African resistance forces, represented by peasants, workers, petty bourgeoisie, intellectuals, and figures of various religious cults, began to move from unorganized actions to organized forms of struggle.

During the period between the two world wars, political parties began to emerge in Tropical Africa, usually created by representatives of the educated elite. One of the first anti-colonial organizations in Black Africa was the African National Congress in the Union of South Africa. In 1920, the National Congress of British West Africa was created, uniting representatives of the four West African colonies of Great Britain. In East and Central Africa, “welfare associations” are formed (“native associations” of Northern and Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the Tanganyika African Association, etc.). These parties and associations did not yet advocate the abolition of colonialism, but demanded a softening of colonial orders, easing the tax burden, expanding the educational network for Africans, etc. They became the embryo of those political parties that led the mass anti-colonial movement after the Second World War.

The interwar period is rich in examples of Africans establishing ties with democratic circles in European countries, with national liberation movements in Asian countries, and with Soviet Russia. Particularly active at this time was the participation of African workers and intellectuals in the International Committee of Negro Workers, which arose at the turn of the 20s and 30s. The committee united African Americans from the USA, Canada, the West Indies, and representatives of African colonies. He actively opposed racial discrimination and demanded the liberation of African peoples from colonial dependence.

Pan-Africanism had a significant influence on the formation of the ideology of the liberation movement in these years and its activation. The first Pan-African Conference took place in London back in 1900, but as a movement it took shape organizationally in 1919, when the First Constituent Congress met. Pan-Africanist congresses also met in 1921, 1923, 1927 and 1945.

During the period between the two wars, Pan-Africanism was guided by the idea of ​​a joint struggle against the oppression of the peoples of the Negro-African race. The leadership of the Pan-African movement in these years was carried out mainly by representatives of American and West Indian blacks. The initiator and ideological inspirer of the convening of the Pan-African Congresses was Dr. William DuBois (1868-1963), the author of many works on Negro-African history and one of the recognized leaders of the African-American movement in the United States.

The decisions of the first four congresses were generally moderate. The movement was in its infancy. It has not yet clearly defined its ultimate goals and has not developed a program of radical political action. In general, Pan-Africanism of these years was more an idea than an action. And at the same time, despite the moderation of the political positions of the movement, it played a significant role, if only in that it attracted the attention of the world community to African problems. The movement influenced the political awakening of Africa and the formation of a program of national liberation. There was a voice of protest against colonial exploitation and racial oppression. After World War II, the Pan-African movement became a genuine and recognized exponent of the anti-colonial sentiments of African peoples and their inspiration.

Among the new forms of anti-colonialism, one of the earliest and most widespread were religious and political, primarily African-Christian, movements. Afro-Christian churches and sects arose initially in South Africa. Later, the Belgian Congo became the center of their development, and then they spread to the coast of West Africa, in several areas of Central Africa.

In South Africa, the Afro-Christian movement arose back in the 80s. XIX century as a form of protest against the colonialist role of European Christian missions. The anti-colonial protest among adherents of Afro-Christian churches and sects was caused by deep disappointment in Europeans as genuine Christians who betrayed the commandments of Christ and turned into racists and exploiters.

B 20s religious and political movements of Christian Africans cover the Belgian Congo and the adjacent areas. The most significant was the performance of the Simon Kimbangu sect. In his sermons the thesis about the “chosenness of God” of Africans was often heard. He was extremely popular not only among the Congolese, but also other African peoples. Kimbangu's followers saw him as a prophet and savior. Thousands of peasants, workers, and townspeople flocked to him. Having arisen spontaneously, Quimbangism essentially became a broad anti-colonial peasant movement that took on a religious form. By 1921 it had reached an unprecedented scale. The Kimbanguists opposed both secular colonialists and European Christian missionaries, proclaiming the slogan “Congo to the Congolese!” From passive forms of resistance to the colonial authorities - non-payment of taxes, refusal to work on European plantations, to grow food for them, etc. - they moved on to active actions, providing physical resistance. Strikes swept the country. Mass demonstrations took place.

The formation of the Afro-Christian movement was directly dependent on specific historical conditions. In one case, the activities of religious communities acquired political overtones. On the other hand, political movements were clothed in religious garb. An example of the latter is Matsuanism, an anti-colonial political movement that emerged in the 20s. BO French Equatorial Africa. This movement was founded by André Grenard Matsua (1899-1942). In 1926, he founded the “Association of People from the FEA” in Paris. This organization chose peaceful means of struggle, calling on the population of the colonies to civil disobedience. She demanded the abolition of the discriminatory “native code”, the granting of voting rights to the indigenous population of the colonies, an end to the abuses of concession companies and the plunder of Africa’s natural resources. The association called on the population not to pay taxes, not to join the colonial troops, or to move from one colony to another. The population of the FEA believed in the messianic role of Matsua, many considered him a prophet.

In those areas of Africa where Islam was most widespread, various Muslim movements arose, speaking from the position of defending the “purity of faith” under the slogans of rejection of the power of the “infidels.”

Africa During the Second World War, there were no active hostilities in Africa to the south during the Second Sahara. The exceptions were the territories of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. Having a multiple advantage in military equipment and manpower in the northeast of the continent, Italian formations went on the offensive there in July 1940. By the end of August, they managed to capture British Somalia, part of Kenya and several strongholds in Sudan. However, the intensified armed liberation movement of the Ethiopians and the assistance provided to the British by the population of Kenya and Sudan forced the Italians to stop offensive operations. Having brought the number of its colonial troops to 150 thousand people, the British command launched a decisive counter-offensive. In January 1941, Anglo-Indian and Sudanese troops and Free French units (mainly African) were sent from Sudan to Eritrea. At the same time, mixed Sudanese-Ethiopian formations and Ethiopian partisan detachments created in Sudan entered Ethiopia from the west. In February, the British African divisions advanced from Kenya, together with parts of the Belgian Congo, under the cover of aviation, crossed the border of Ethiopia and Italian Somalia. Unable to organize a stable defense, the Italians left the port of Kisimayo on February 14 and the capital of Somalia, Mogadishu, on February 25. Building on the success achieved, on April 1 the British captured the main city of Eritrea, Asmara, and on April 6, with detachments of Ethiopian partisans, they took Addis Ababa. As a result of the defeats, the Italian army stationed in the East African region capitulated on May 20, which made it possible for England to transfer its forces to other theaters of military operations.

Hundreds of thousands of Africans, recruited into the armies of the metropolises, were forced to fight in North Africa, Western Europe, the Middle East and even in Burma and Malaya. Even more of them had to serve in the auxiliary troops and work for military needs.

After the defeat of France in its African possessions, a struggle developed between the proteges of the Vichy “government” and the supporters of the Free French, which did not lead to particularly serious armed clashes. The adherents of General de Gaulle, who ultimately won, held a conference in Brazzaville (French Congo) in January-February 1944 on the post-war status of French colonies in Africa. Its decisions envisaged the formation of representative government bodies from the indigenous population, the introduction of universal suffrage, as well as the implementation of broad democratization of public life. However, the leadership of the French National Liberation Committee (FCNL) was in no hurry to implement the declarations adopted in Brazzaville.

During the war years position European countries regarding the involvement of Africans in military operations was ambivalent. Striving, on the one hand, to make maximum use of the human resources of Africa in the fight against the Hitler coalition, the metropolises were at the same time afraid to allow the indigenous inhabitants of the continent to modern species weapons, attracting them mainly as signalmen, vehicle drivers, etc. Racial discrimination took place in all colonial armies formed by Europeans without exception, but it was stronger in the British troops than in the French.

In addition to human resources, African countries served as suppliers of the necessary strategic mineral raw materials, as well as various types of agricultural products, to the metropolises. Meanwhile, due to a reduction in imports of industrial goods caused by the breakdown of world trade relations, in some colonies, primarily in Southern Rhodesia, the Belgian Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, and French West Africa, certain branches of manufacturing and light industry began to develop rapidly. The heavy industry of the Union of South Africa has made a significant step forward. The increase in industrial production entailed an increase in the number of workers who, increasingly separated from the village, became proletarians receiving the wages of otkhodniks. Taking advantage of the sharp decrease in factory exports from Europe, the United States of America has noticeably intensified its penetration into the economies of a number of African countries.

A significant weakening during the war of the authority of the metropolises, which repeatedly, especially at the initial stage, suffered defeats from the Hitlerite coalition, as well as signed in August 1941 by the leaders of England and the USA Atlantic Charter(which declared the right of peoples to choose their own form of government), combined with the successes of the world anti-fascist movement, where the Soviet Union played a leading role, contributed to the growth of broad anti-colonial sentiments in Africa. Contrary to the prohibitions of the colonialists, new political parties and associations emerged. The most important of them was the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon, formed in August 1944, which decided to seek a regime of self-government, introduce a democratic constitution that provided for the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, and ensure the comprehensive development of education in the country to eradicate the remnants of colonialism.

The socio-political and economic changes that took place on the African continent during the Second World War caused deepening contradictions between the mother countries and the forces of national liberation and created the preconditions for the further rise of the anti-colonial democratic struggle in the post-war period.

The 5th Pan-African Congress, convened in October

5th Panafri- p e 1945 in Manchester (England), worked in complete

Kanskii shenno new historical situation and marked

congress ^ „

Let us begin a qualitatively new stage in the liberation struggle of African peoples. The victory over fascism, the weakening of imperialist reaction in European societies, the first successes of the liberation movement in Asia gave the forum delegates hope for further fundamental changes.

The Congress was the most representative of all Pan-African congresses in terms of the number of African delegates. They represented the trade union labor movement, the peasantry, the radical intelligentsia, various political parties and organizations, and veteran soldiers. Most of them were determined to fight. Almost all the reports at the congress were made by Africans and were clearly anti-colonial in nature. William DuBois presided over the congress. Among the 200 participants in the congress, the most active were Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, Hastings Banda, who later became presidents of Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, South African writer Peter Abrahams, prominent public figures - Wallace Johnson (Sierra Leone), Obafemi Awolowo (Nigeria) ), etc.

At the congress, the situation in all African colonies was discussed, and strong support was expressed for the revolutionary uprisings of the population that covered many regions of the continent. Among the adopted resolutions, three were of greatest importance: “Challenge to the colonial powers”, “Appeal to the workers, peasants and intelligentsia of the colonial countries” and “Memorandum to the UN”. The text of the “Appeal” called for the widespread organization of the inhabitants of the colonies to fight for the liberation of their countries and all of Africa and proposed to use all means available to them, including armed struggle.

The 5th Pan-African Congress played an important role in the development of the anti-colonial struggle of African peoples. He spoke with

new, radical requirements and formulated them both on a continental scale and specifically for all major regions and countries.

Second half of the 19th century – beginning. XX century brought dramatic changes to the historical destinies of the countries of Asia and Africa. The development of China, India, Japan and other Asian societies was marked by important shifts in socio-economic and political life, which ultimately entailed a formational and civilizational breakdown. The national liberation movement is becoming the most important factor in the historical development of Afro-Asian countries. In the beginning XX century The East was shaken by the first bourgeois revolutions.

China.

First decade of the 20th century. was marked by the rapid growth of anti-Manchurian and national liberation sentiments. In the summer of 1905, under the leadership of Sun Yat-sen, various Chinese bourgeois-democratic and bourgeois-landowner organizations united, with the goal of overthrowing the Qing monarchy and establishing a republic. The Chinese Revolutionary United Alliance was created in Tokyo. The United Union program was based on the “three principles of the people” formulated by Sun Yat-sen in November 1905—nationalism, democracy and people's welfare. The principle of nationalism meant the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty, democracy meant the elimination of the monarchical system and the establishment of a republic, and the principle of people's welfare reflected the requirement for the gradual nationalization of the land.

1906–1911 marked by an increase in anti-government armed protests in various provinces of Southern, Central and Eastern China. The largest uprisings of miners were in Pingxiang in 1906 and in 1911 in Guangzhou. The movement of general discontent also gripped the army. In January 1910, there was an uprising of the garrison in Guangzhou.

The Xinhai Revolution (the Wuchang uprising and the abdication of the Qing dynasty occurred in the Xinhai year according to the Chinese lunar calendar - January 30, 1911 - February 17, 1912) began with a soldier uprising on October 10, 1910 in Wuchang. A military government was created in the city, proclaiming the overthrow of the Qing monarchy and the establishment of a republic. During October-November 1911, 14 provinces of the Qing Empire announced the overthrow of the Manchus. By the end of 1911, only three of the eighteen provinces officially recognized the authority of the Qing government. Having failed to suppress the revolutionary movement, the Qing handed over real power to General Yuan Shikai. He received the post of commander-in-chief of the Pinsk armed forces and then the post of prime minister. Yuan Shikai began secret negotiations with certain factions in the Republican south.

On December 29, 1911, in Nanjing, deputies of independent provinces elected Sun Yat-sen as provisional president of the Republic of China. For short term A provisional government was formed and a bourgeois-democratic constitution was adopted.

During the confrontation between North and South, Sun Yat-sen was forced to resign as interim president in favor of Yuan Shikai, in exchange for the abdication of the Qing dynasty. On February 12, 1912, the last emperor, Pu Yi, abdicated the throne.

In July-September 1913, Yuan Shikai suppressed armed uprisings against him in the central and southern provinces. These events went down in Chinese history under the name of the “second revolution.” The military dictatorship of Yuan Shikai was established in the country. Sun Yat-sen and other leaders of the radical wing of the Chinese bourgeoisie were forced to emigrate abroad.

During the revolution, the Qing dynasty was overthrown and a republic was established for the first time in Asia. The power of the Manchu aristocracy was eliminated.

India.

At the beginning of the 20th century. In the socio-economic and political life of India, the trends that emerged in the second half intensified. XIX century The development of capitalism has not led to a significant change in the overall structure of the country's economy. India still remained a backward agrarian country. Nevertheless, the process of drawing India into the system of the world capitalist economy led to a further intensification of new economic phenomena. The exploitation of India as an agrarian and raw material appendage of the metropolis began. English capital was directed to the construction and operation of railway lines and communications, irrigation, plantation farming, mining, textile and food industries. British investments in India in 1896–1910. increased from 4-5 to 6-7 billion rupees. National capitalist entrepreneurship has developed. Most of the enterprises owned by Indian capital were small and medium-sized. Attempts were made to establish heavy industry in India. A metallurgical plant was built in 1911, and a hydroelectric power station was launched in 1915.

This period is associated with the growth of national self-awareness in the most diverse classes and social groups of Indian society. The policies of the colonial authorities contributed to the growth of discontent and the development of the national liberation movement in India. In 1883–1884 The first attempts were made to create an all-Indian organization. In 1885, the first congress of the Indian National Congress, the first all-Indian political organization, took place in Bombay. The emergence of the radical left wing of the Indian national liberation movement is associated with the name of the outstanding democrat Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920).

The partition of Bengal in 1905 led to the beginning of a massive all-India national movement. The swadeshi movement (boycott of foreign goods and encouragement of domestic production) spread beyond Bengal in the fall of 1905. Shops selling Indian goods and industrial enterprises appeared, and stores selling foreign goods were boycotted. Mass rallies and demonstrations were complemented by the strike struggle of Indian workers. The strike movement in the summer-autumn of 1906 differed from previous years in that, along with economic demands, the workers began to put forward some political slogans.

In the autumn of 1906, at a session of the National Congress, the demand for “swaraj” - self-government within the British Empire - was formulated. Since 1907, the “swadeshi” movement began to develop into a movement for the implementation of “swaraj” (self-government). The mass protests reached their greatest scale in the spring of 1907 in Punjab.

As the national liberation struggle grew, disagreements between moderate and radical (extreme) movements worsened. The moderates demanded protectionist policies, restrictions on foreign capital, expanded self-government, etc. The extremes advocated the complete independence of India on the basis of a federal republic. The result of these differences was the split of Congress in 1907.

The British colonial authorities began to suppress national-patriotic forces. In 1907, a law on riotous gatherings was issued, according to which rallies and demonstrations were dispersed, and in 1908, a law on newspapers, on the basis of which any press organ could be closed. In July 1908, an arrest followed and trial over Tilak. He was sentenced to a heavy fine and six years in prison. In protest, a general political strike began in Bombay on July 23, 1908. It ended after six days.

The rise of the national movement in 1905–1908 marked the onset of a period of mass struggle for independence.

The outbreak of the Second World War strengthened the national liberation movement in colonial and dependent countries ah Asia, Africa and Latin America. It had a general anti-imperialist orientation, but in its immediate goals, in the forms, composition and correlation of the social forces and parties participating in it, it was distinguished by the originality of its development on different continents and in individual countries. If in most countries of Asia, North Africa and the Middle East the national liberation movement acquired a wide scope and was aimed at achieving political independence, then in the countries of Tropical Africa it was limited in nature and was carried out under the slogans of reforms of colonial administration. IN Latin America The class battles of the proletariat and peasantry were combined with the movement of democratic forces to eliminate economic and political dependence on the imperialist powers, against internal reaction and the threat of fascism.

The communists were at the forefront of the national liberation movement of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. On the eve of the war, there were more than 30 communist parties in colonial and dependent countries ( G. Kim, A. Kaufman. Leninism and the national liberation movement. M., 1969, p. 84.). Their selfless struggle against reaction and fascism contributed to the quantitative and ideological growth of the ranks of the communists.

With the outbreak of armed conflict between the two imperialist groups, each of them aimed to use the national liberation movement and the resources of the colonial countries in their own interests. England and France, from the very first days of the war, trying to mobilize the resources of the countries that were part of their empires for the needs of the war, began to form massive colonial armies in Asia and Africa. Italy did the same in its African possessions, preparing to seize the English and French colonies.

Which enemy is more dangerous? at this stage- colonial authorities or aggressors? How to use the current situation to achieve independence? These and many other issues required urgent solutions from the peoples of colonial and dependent countries.

For China, Libya and Ethiopia, which had been subjected to aggression even before the Second World War, the expulsion of invaders from their native land meant the restoration of national independence and sovereignty.

The situation in the colonies was more complicated. For the peoples of these countries, the Western powers were and continued to be the most sworn enemies. The goals that were pursued ruling circles England and France at the beginning of the war could not arouse the desire of the oppressed peoples to take an active part in it. Proclaiming the main task of crushing Nazism and restoring the freedom of nations large and small, the ruling circles of Great Britain invariably emphasized that we were talking only about the peoples of Europe ( J. Butler. Big strategy. September 1939 - June 1941, p. 24.). In the statements of the French government, despite the hype raised by bourgeois propaganda that France is the defender of all peace-loving nations, there was only a vague mention of the tasks of the fight against fascism ( V. Smirnov. “The Strange War” and the defeat of France, pp. 81 - 82.). Real action of both countries, their anti-Soviet foreign and reactionary domestic policies soon convinced the peoples of the colonies of the insincerity of the liberation and anti-fascist slogans of the British and French ruling circles.

The political orientation of various groups of the national liberation movement in the colonies and dependent countries was largely determined by the fact that with the beginning of the war, the colonial authorities intensified repression and police terror against them. Communist parties were banned, the most progressive organizations were destroyed, thousands of freedom fighters were sent to prisons and concentration camps. The Indian Defense Act, issued by the British authorities, under which the police received emergency powers to suppress mass movements, was called by the Indian people the law “for the defense of India from Indians” ( K. Goshal. The People of India. New York, 1944, p. 265.). The anti-democratic, violent method of involving the peoples of the colonies in the war not only made it difficult for many leaders of the liberation movement to choose the right tactics in war conditions, but also damaged the strategic positions of the Western powers in the colonial world, as it caused increased anti-British and anti-French sentiment among the population of the colonies.

The fascist powers tried to take advantage of the enormous charge of hatred of the oppressed peoples towards their oppressors to undermine the colonial rear of their opponents. Demagogically “exposing” Western plutocracy, they called on the peoples of colonial and dependent countries to oppose their centuries-old oppressors, promising liberation after the victory of the Axis countries. The main efforts of Italo-German propaganda were aimed at Arab countries and Africa. Japan launched subversive agitation among the Asian peoples.

This brought a certain amount of confusion into the ranks of the national liberation movement. In some countries, fascist propaganda met with a favorable attitude from the reactionary feudal-tribal elite, part of the big bourgeoisie and bureaucrats. Frightened by the class uprisings of the working people and the growing influence of the communist parties, these social circles dreamed of establishing fascist orders in their countries, hoping to find in fascism a force capable of strangling the revolutionary movement of the masses.

Even some leading representatives of the liberation movement did not immediately understand the true nature and danger of fascism. Insidious fascist propaganda often misled many honest but politically inexperienced patriots.

The turbulent events of the summer and autumn of 1940 - Italy's entry into the war against the Anglo-French coalition, the defeat of Denmark, Norway, Belgium, Holland and France, the capture of part of Indochina by the Japanese - put an end to the hesitation of many figures of the national liberation movement who joined the ranks of active fighters against fascism. The ruling circles of the metropolises, finding themselves in a difficult situation, were forced to somewhat soften colonial policy and promise some colonies independence after the war.

Thus, the national liberation movement in 1939 - 1941. had both common features and difficulties characteristic of most countries, and features unique to this country. These features were manifested in the difference in techniques, forms and methods of the liberation struggle and in the uniqueness of the process of its merger with the world anti-fascist movement.

The peoples of Libya have long known " new order» Italian fascism on own experience. With the outbreak of the World War, the Libyan patriots, who were in hiding and in exile at that time, intensified their desire to unite in the struggle for independence. The leading position in the liberation movement was occupied by the feudal-religious elite, led by the emir of Cyrenaica, Idris al-Senusi, who was in exile. In October 1939, the leadership of the Libyan emigration in Egypt advocated coordinating the activities of all patriotic organizations and establishing contacts with the British command. In mid-1940, Libyan patriots began to form armed units to participate in the battles against fascist Italy as part of British troops and launched anti-fascist agitation in the Italian colonial troops, which included many Libyans.

In the French colonies of North Africa and the Union of South Africa, anti-fascist sentiments became widespread from the very beginning of the war. In Tunisia, the Communist Party and other progressive organizations temporarily dropped the demand for national independence, considering the main task to be a joint struggle with the French people against fascism ( N. Ivanov. The crisis of the French protectorate in Tuapse (1918 - 1939). M., 1971, p. 386.).

Hundreds of thousands of residents of the French colonies took part in the Battle of France in 1940 and made a worthy contribution to the fight against the fascist invaders. Many of them subsequently fought shoulder to shoulder with French patriots against the occupiers as part of underground Resistance groups ( The armed struggle of the peoples of Africa for freedom and independence. M., 1974, pp. 119 - 120.).

Counting on the growth of anti-French tendencies in the French colonies, the Nazis, after the defeat of France, released many African soldiers to their homeland. The subversive activities of the ruling circles of fascist states caused unrest among the nationalist leaders of the liberation movement in a number of countries of the French Empire. In Tunisia, some nationalists tried to focus on the Axis powers. In Algeria, individual representatives of the local bourgeoisie sought in vain to achieve concessions for themselves by entering into negotiations with the Petain government ( R. Landa. National liberation movement in Algeria (1939 - 1962). M., 1962, p. 29.). Many bourgeois nationalists remained inactive, waiting for further developments.

The transition of the Vichy authorities to active cooperation with the fascist powers led to an intensification of the struggle of the masses for freedom and independence. In Tunisia, Algeria, the Levant (Syria and Lebanon) and West Africa, a resistance movement began, led by underground communist and progressive nationalist parties.

The French colonial authorities of Equatorial Africa and the Pacific territories refused to recognize the Petain regime and joined the Free France movement, thereby creating favorable conditions for the involvement of these colonies in the anti-fascist struggle. French Equatorial Africa and Cameroon became the place of concentration and formation of the Free French forces. From here they were transferred to Egypt, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, and the Middle East to participate in hostilities against fascist troops and their Vichy accomplices. The French colony of Chad was the first to go over to the Free French side.

Residents of not only the French colonies, which officially sided with the Free French, but also those territories that remained under the control of the Vichy authorities joined the ranks of the fighters against fascism. For example, 10 thousand warriors of the Abrong tribe from the Ivory Coast, led by their leader, arrived in Chad and joined the ranks of the Free French fighters ( J. Webster and others. The Growth of African Civilization. London, 1967, p. 323.).

In the summer of 1941, the leaders of the Free French made a promise to Syria and Lebanon to grant independence after the war and to allow the legal activities of anti-fascist organizations, including communist parties. By this time, the colonial countries were already well aware of the fate of the peoples in the countries of Europe captured by the fascists. Expressing the fears of the Africans, one of the leaders of the Cape Province (SA) said: “If the Germans win the war, the natives will face an even more terrible fate than the population of Poland” ( "The African World", July 6, 1940, p. 9.). The African colonies actively supported England in the war, without conditioning this support on specific political demands. This was partly due to the fact that at that time African leaders were to some extent satisfied with the promises made by the British government to allocate funds for the development of the colonies, to provide Africans with more seats in local governments, etc. ( J. Webster and others. The Crowth of African Civilization, p. 322.).

Volunteers from the British colonies in Africa went to recruiting stations, hoping to achieve the liberation of their countries from the colonial yoke in the fight against the fascist aggressors. However, the British authorities were very reluctant to put weapons into the hands of Africans, preferring to use them in the army as an auxiliary force.

The rulers of South Africa adhered to this especially strictly. Unarmed African soldiers found themselves defenseless in a combat situation. This caused them legitimate indignation.

The development of the liberation movement in Egypt and Iraq followed a unique path. The question of their entry into the war on the side of England caused acute internal political disagreements in these countries. The Egyptian Wafd Party, which expressed the interests of the national bourgeoisie, was ready to support England in the war, but demanded from it guarantees that Egypt would be granted complete independence after the war. The British government categorically refused to give such guarantees. Therefore, Egypt, although it broke off diplomatic relations with Germany and Italy, did not declare war on them and maintained neutrality. The British authorities used the territory, material and human resources of Egypt for the needs of the war. Egyptian troops were involved in auxiliary work, protecting warehouses, bases and communications in the Suez Canal zone.

Britain's persistent attempts to force Iraq to abandon its policy of neutrality aroused resistance from bourgeois nationalist circles and led to open protests against the British authorities. These protests were suppressed.

The liberation struggle in Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia developed as a struggle against the new occupiers - British troops. The Ethiopian people were outraged by England's demand to dissolve the national government formed by Haile Selassie after the expulsion of the Italian invaders from the country ( L. Mosley. Haile Selassie the Conquering Lion. London, 1965, p. 255.). Massive protest demonstrations took place everywhere against the establishment of British military rule and for the withdrawal of British units. In a number of areas of Ethiopia, armed clashes between the population and British units took place ( V. Yagya. Ethiopia in 1941 - 1954, pp. 42 - 51.).

The involvement of India in the war by the British authorities without any consultation with representatives of the nation was perceived in the country as an attempt to humiliate a great people. Despite the fact that in 1940 - 1941. 250 thousand Indian soldiers have already fought in Africa and the Middle East ( Official History of the Indian Armed Forces in the Second World War 1939 - 1945. Vol I. Expansion of the Armed Forces and Defense Organization 1939 - 1945. Calcutta, 1956, p. 403.), the public persistently opposed India's participation in the war. Most left-wing organizations, including the Communist Party, considered it necessary to use the current military-political situation in the world to launch the struggle for the country's independence.

In a resolution dated September 14, 1939, the Indian National Congress (INC) condemned fascist aggression and expressed its readiness to support England in the war, but on the condition that India be granted independence. The British government promised to consider the question of Indian independence only after the war. Indian communists focused on working in mass organizations and preparing the people for the decisive battle with imperialism ( Problems of the communist movement in India. M., 1971, pp. 84 - 86.). With the support of the communists, the INC launched a massive anti-war movement in the country, and in October 1940 began a campaign of civil disobedience. In response, the British authorities arrested about 30 thousand members of the INC, including its leaders. This led to the fact that some leaders of the national liberation movement in India began to focus on Japan as an ally in the fight against Great Britain.

In October 1939, several political parties in Burma formed the Burma Freedom Bloc, which was supported by the communists. England's refusal to satisfy the bloc's demand to grant the country independence here also led to the fact that he opposed military cooperation with England. In response, the colonialists arrested leading leftist figures in the national movement. This increased the vacillation within its ranks. The petty-bourgeois Burma People's Revolutionary Party, created in 1940, proclaimed the slogan of the violent overthrow of British rule with the support of Japan.

Such fluctuations in the first period of the war were characteristic of nationalists in many countries (Philippines, Thailand, occupied China, etc.). Only later, having learned from their own experience what the “help” of the Japanese and German fascists represented, did they understand the danger of such a line of behavior and sought to correct it.

In most colonial and dependent countries of Asia, communists were the most consistent fighters against imperialism and fascism. Back in November 1939, the Communist Party of Indochina declared a course towards creating a united national front to fight both against the French imperialists and against fascism and war ( A. Shiltova, V. Mordvinov. National liberation movement in Vietnam (1858 - 1945). M., 1958, pp. 138 - 139.). After Petain's colonial authorities entered into a conspiracy with Japan in the fall of 1940, the liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people finally merged into the general flow of the anti-fascist struggle.

A consistent line of struggle against the impending Japanese aggression carried out by the Communist Party of the Philippines. In 1939 - 1941 she exposed Japanese imperialism and its pan-Asian propaganda, opposed American military supplies to Japan, thanks to which she secured a strong influence in the country's largest trade union and peasant organizations.

The difficult struggle to create a united anti-Japanese front was waged by the Indonesian communists. In the spring of 1941, a group of communists and members of the influential anti-fascist party Gerindo created the illegal center “Anti-fascist People's Movement”. However, having become convinced that the Dutch colonialists, even under the threat of a Japanese invasion, were not going to grant Indonesia independence, some nationalists began to focus on Japan.

While the peoples of Asia and Africa were, to one degree or another, participants in the war already at the first stage, the countries of Latin America remained neutral until the United States entered the war. But the war complicated the political situation on this continent as well. The reactionary dictatorial regimes that dominated many Latin American countries, despite their neutrality, continued to maintain active ties with the countries of the fascist bloc and intensified repressions against democratic organizations.

The popular masses of Latin America, led by the communists, had to simultaneously fight against several enemies: fascism, North American imperialism and local reaction. In June 1940, a plenum of the leadership of the Confederation of Workers of Latin America condemned the policy of condoning fascism. Communist parties and progressive organizations in the Latin American republics pressed their governments to sever diplomatic and trade relations with the Axis powers.

In the difficult conditions of the outbreak of the world war, when the ruling circles of the enemy states Hitler's Germany, continuing the pre-war Munich policy, essentially did not want to wage war against fascist states and directed efforts towards preparing a united aggression against the USSR, the communist parties and their combat headquarters - the Comintern - branded the war as imperialist on both sides, condemned the reactionary anti-Soviet policy of bourgeois governments and decisively exposed the disastrous consequences of this policy for the destinies of the masses.

New fascist takeovers in Europe and the establishment of a regime of brutal violence and robbery in the occupied countries gave rise to a national anti-fascist movement. The determination of the masses to mercilessly fight against the enslavers grew. The collapse of bourgeois governments, which were unable to defend the national independence of their countries, led to a general regrouping of forces, including among the ruling classes, in favor of the anti-fascist movement. The formation of a broad social base of the Resistance began.

The communist parties turned out to be the only political and organizational force prepared to, relying on the working class, lead the anti-fascist struggle of the masses. Following the line of the VII Congress of the Comintern and using the experience of the struggle for the creation of a united popular front accumulated in the pre-war years, the communist parties set the task of creating a broad popular anti-fascist front. The communist parties were the first organizers of the mass armed struggle against the fascist invaders; the communists were the first heroes of the Resistance movement against fascism, its most active figures, irreconcilable opponents of the bourgeois policy of passive waiting. In the unfolding anti-fascist struggle, the international labor movement successfully overcame the split that existed in its ranks before the Second World War.

The national liberation movement in Asia, Africa, and Latin America received further development. The leading representatives of this movement began to realize that the spread of war to the colonies carried the danger of new, even more brutal enslavement. A common feature The movement was a desire to unite anti-imperialist forces into a united national front of the struggle against fascism and colonial oppression.

The first successes of the Resistance movement, the decisive contribution to the organization of which was already made by the Communist Parties during this period of the war, were developed in subsequent years, when, under the influence of the victories won by the Soviet Armed Forces over the Nazi army, the mass armed struggle against the fascist “new order” covered everything occupied countries.

The Second World War, which had a great impact on all aspects of life, contributed to the further development of the struggle of the peoples of colonial and dependent countries for their liberation. The victory of democratic forces over fascism, in which the USSR played a major role, had a fruitful influence on the development of the national liberation movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America. After the Second World War, a new era began in the struggle of peoples for liberation. The colonial system began to disintegrate.

At the end of World War II, a massive national liberation movement against the Japanese occupiers and colonialists unfolded in Indochina, Indonesia, and Maly.

Factors that influenced the course of the national liberation movement in the region

1. The fight against the Japanese invaders during the Second World War.

2. Civil war in China, the victory of the communists.

3. The beginning of the Cold War.

4. The desire of the former metropolises to restore their colonial possessions in the region (France, England, Holland).

By the end of World War II, the colonies of the Asian region were already covered national liberation movement . As a result of the Japanese occupation Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, Indochina And Philippines European and American colonial authorities were eliminated. The local population, having created armed partisan detachments and entire armies, fought first against the occupiers, and then against the metropolises.

The movement became especially widespread during Vietnam , which was part of French Indochina .

During August revolution 1945 rebels led by Ho Chi Minh disarmed the Japanese garrison and overthrew the puppet government of the emperor Bao Dai .

September 2, 1945 , on the day of Japanese surrender, National Liberation Committee , led by the Communist Party, proclaimed Vietnamese independence , whose first president was Ho Chi Minh .

Not wanting to accept the loss of the colony and the power of the communists, the French government took the path of force, unleashing the most exhausting and bloody of all colonial wars, which lasted from 1946 to 1954 During this war, called in history " dirty war ", the French colonialists widely used torture, murder and mass repression against civilians, which only strengthened resistance.

By 1954 French troops were surrounded in the area Dien Bien Pha , which prompted Paris to seek help from the United States. However, the American proposal to use atomic weapons did not suit the French, because as a result of such an action, the encircled French corps would also suffer.

After 2 month blockade French garrison in Vietnam capitulated , A in June 1954 at a meeting of the foreign ministers of the five permanent members Security Council And Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Geneva was signed agreement on the cessation of hostilities in Indochina and the division of the territory of Vietnam along the 17th parallel .
Subsequently, it was planned to hold democratic elections throughout Vietnam, but this decision, as in Germany and Korea, was not implemented.

Two states emerged in Vietnam: one relying on Western assistance South Vietnam with the capital Saigon , and communist DRV with the capital Hanoi .

August 17, 1945 declared independence Dutch Indonesia , whose first president was the leader of the National Party Sukarno .

IN English Burma Japan was regarded by many as an ally in the struggle for independence. In 1941 was created here Burma Independence Army led by Aung Sanom who collaborated with the Japanese. However, realizing that the Japanese were seeking to maintain control over Burma even after the proclamation in 1943 her independence, Aung San changes his views. In 1944 was created Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League , which in March 1945 revolted against the Japanese. Post-war attempts by the British to maintain control over the colony failed and in 1947 Burma gained independence, and Aung San became the first head of government.

The expansion of the anti-colonial movement greatly worried the metropolitan countries, forcing them to become more active.

England, as the largest colonial power, took the path of providing the colonies dominion rights , transforming the empire into British Commonwealth of Nations . The Dominions received self-government and formal equality in the union, while maintaining their allegiance to the British Crown.

I followed a similar path France , proclaiming formation with its colonies French Union .

However, not all colonies were satisfied with these concessions, forcing the metropolises either to recognize their independence or to begin period of colonial wars .

August 15, 1947 England announced partition of India along religious lines for 2 states: Hindu India And Islamic Pakistan , and providing them dominion rights .
The first chapter of the new India became an outstanding figure in the Indian national liberation movement Jawaharlal Nehru .
Head Pakistan became leader of the Muslim League Liaquat Ali Khan .

Both India and Pakistan turned out to be very complex state entities with many problems and contradictions, the most acute of which were religious and territorial.

India in its initial stage was a union consisting of princely states. Moreover, since the conquests of the Great Mughals, the princely aristocracy, for the most part, professed Islam and gravitated towards Pakistan. The population was predominantly Hindu, which predetermined the affiliation of the principalities.

England also continued to actively influence the development of the dominions. in 1948 granting the right of dominion to a former colony of India O. Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) .

Pakistan, in turn, consisted of two parts - in the east and west of India, which in 1971 led to the separation of the eastern part and the proclamation of a state there Bangladesh .

Having achieved self-government, ruling groups and the population of the dominions continued to move towards complete independence.
In 1950 India renounced dominion status and proclaimed a republic, in 1956 took a similar step Pakistan .

USA Having achieved dominance in the Pacific region as a result of the defeat of Japan, in relations with their colonies they were more concerned about maintaining their military influence in the region. By granting independence to the colonies, the Americans sought to maintain their military bases.

So, by providing in 1946 independence Philippine Islands , Washington concluded a series of agreements with the Philippine government that allowed the preservation of US naval bases on the islands and provided economic privileges to the Americans.

The former colonies that achieved independence formed a special group of so-called developing countries or third world countries " They had a lot in common: backwardness in development, dependence on foreign capital, lack of processing industry. But most importantly, they were all subject to fear of a possible loss of independence.

Politically, the former colonies had very great authority of the USSR as the main champion of freedom and independence of the colonies, but economically they were closely connected with the former metropolises. This prompted them to look for new approaches in relations with the West.

The former metropolises also understood that only through economic ties could they maintain their influence in young states and avoid their excessive rapprochement with the USSR. In an effort to preserve their gains, the countries of the “third world” followed the path of unity of goals and actions in the struggle for freedom.

In June 1954 Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru and Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Zhou Enlai proclaimed " Five principles of peaceful coexistence ”, which became the core for all relationships between the former colonies and the more developed world:

mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty;

non-aggression;

non-interference in each other's internal affairs;

equality and mutual benefit;

peaceful coexistence.

In 1955 these " Five principles » have been approved conference of 29 countries of Asia and Africa in Bandung (Indonesia) . The countries present strongly criticized racial discrimination and colonialism, declaring the need to eradicate them as soon as possible. In addition, it was adopted Declaration on Promoting World Peace and Cooperation , which called for disarmament and the banning of atomic weapons.

By combining their efforts, the countries of the “third world” hoped to achieve a certain influence on world politics. But the economic backwardness and dependence of most of them on financial investments from more developed countries did not allow them to occupy an equal position with other countries. And the further history of most former colonies is replete with interethnic, religious and territorial conflicts, strengthened by Eastern fanaticism and intransigence.

60. The growth of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Africa and the formation of independent states.

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, WHICH HAD A GREAT INFLUENCE ON ALL ASPECTS OF LIFE, CONTRIBUTED TO THE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLE OF COLONIAL AND DEPENDENT COUNTRIES FOR THEIR LIBERATION. THE VICTORY OF DEMOCRATIC FORCES OVER FASCISM, IN WHICH THE USSR PLAYED THE MAIN ROLE, HAD A FRUITLY INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN ASIA, AFRICA AND LATIN AMERICA. AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR, A NEW ERA CAME IN THE PEOPLES' STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION. THE COLONIAL SYSTEM STARTED TO DISCOVER.

THE PEOPLES OF THE MIDDLE EAST FOUGHT A PERSISTENT STRUGGLE AGAINST THE COLONIZERS.

Following the states of the Middle East, the countries of North Africa launched a struggle against the colonialists.

In the 50s achieved independence Italian Libya, French Lebanon And Tunisia , after 8 year colonial war became independent Algeria .

But the most serious consequences during the anti-colonial movement could have been “ Suez crisis» 1956

In 1952 V Egypt an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution took place.
Having overthrown the monarchy, patriotic officers came to power in the country, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser .
July 26, 1956 Nasser announced nationalization of the Suez Canal Company , which was dominated by Anglo-French capital, with subsequent compensation and guarantees of free passage through the channel for ships of all countries.

Such an action dealt a powerful blow to the economic and political interests of England and France, which caused an immediate response.

On the night of October 30, 1956 England's Middle Eastern ally Israel invaded Egypt and via the Sinai Peninsula rushed to the Suez Canal .
October 31 Anglo-French aircraft bombed Egyptian cities.

The world community sharply condemned this aggression, and Extraordinary session of the UN November 2 adopted a resolution demanding a ceasefire.

However, the aggressor did not react the next day, November 3 dropped off at Port Said your landing. Egypt could not resist three such powerful powers at once, but it took its side USSR .

November 5 Moscow demanded an immediate cessation of hostilities and the cleansing of Egypt, declaring its readiness to provide military assistance to the Egyptian government with any type of weapon.
The only one who could equalize the forces was USA , But American government chose to remain neutral. Because of other people's interests, it did not want to start a nuclear war with the USSR and, in addition, the weakening of the positions of England and France in the Middle East would lead to a strengthening of American positions in this region.

« Suez crisis " ended with the withdrawal of Anglo-Franco-Israeli troops from Egypt. And already in January 1957 US presidential government D. Eisenhower proclaimed the doctrine according to which it is the United States that is called upon to fill the “ force vacuum ", formed in the Middle East.

The French Constitution of 1958 provided for a new version of unification - the so-called Community, which included 17 African colonies that received local autonomy. The remaining territories retained their previous status. Article 77 of the Constitution proclaimed self-government and “free disposal of their own affairs” of the states belonging to the Community. At the same time, according to Art. 78, were removed from the competence of individual members of the Community foreign policy, defense, monetary system and some other important areas of public life. The President of France, who was also the President of the Community, was represented in each State of the Community by a High Commissioner who oversaw the activities of the local administration. The Constitution provided for the possibility of changing the status of a member state of the Community based on a decision of the legislative assembly of that state, followed by confirmation of such a decision in a local referendum. Subject to these conditions, a member state of the Community could become independent and leave the association. However, in 1958, only in Guinea was it possible to achieve the rejection of the 1958 Constitution in a referendum and gain independence peacefully.

In the two decades following World War II, the collapse of colonial empires was largely complete. At the end of the 40s. The largest colonies of South and Southeast Asia won independence in the 50s. - most Middle Eastern countries. In the late 50s - early 60s. The colonial system in Africa collapsed. The last large colonies in Africa, which belonged to Portugal, were liberated in the 70s. XX century, and in 1990 the UN plan to grant independence to Namibia was implemented.

The question of development paths and the typology of liberated states is one of the most difficult both politically and scientifically. In the conditions of the split of the world into two socio-political systems, liberated or “developing” countries were usually included in the so-called “third world”, which faced the choice of two alternative paths of development - capitalist or non-capitalist. It should be noted that this choice was determined to a much greater extent by the ideological and foreign policy orientations of the ruling groups of these countries than by the objective conditions of their development.

Thus, in the overwhelming majority of countries, regardless of “orientation,” as a rule, authoritarian political regimes have developed with a characteristic concentration of power in the hands of the head of state, a special role for the army, the merger of the party and state apparatus, over-centralization of the state structure, the absence of a unified system of representative bodies of power and Ave.

All developing countries were also characterized by the advancement of the state to a leading role in public life, the strengthening of its regulatory functions, which covered all spheres of social life.

The total intervention of the state in public life as a means of modernizing society, however, could not solve the important problems of the socio-economic development of the new, liberated countries. At the end of the 20th century. their dependence on the world capitalist economy continued to increase, and foreign debt to leading Western countries became one of the global problems of our time. The uneven development of the liberated countries is deepening. While the “new industrial” and some oil-producing countries of Asia (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait) have gained economic growth rates, a number of other countries in Asia and Africa are experiencing stagnation and even degradation of their economies. IN lately Many developing countries have declared their abandonment of authoritarian development models and have begun to introduce various elements into the economic structure and political superstructure that have proven their effectiveness and universal significance (equality of forms of ownership, market relations, multi-party system, parliamentarism, etc.).

The apartheid regime in South Africa was eliminated; in 1994, an interim Constitution was adopted there. In the early 90s. More than 30 new constitutions have been adopted in African countries, providing for the separation of powers, the existence of several parties, and legal guarantees of human rights. However, the situation in many countries continues to remain unstable; new institutions cannot strengthen themselves and often act ineffectively. To a lesser extent, these changes affected Asian countries, although in some of them authoritarian regimes were eliminated (Philippines, South Korea, etc.).

The World War sharply aggravated the discontent of the broad masses of the colonial and dependent countries with foreign domination. At the same time, it caused important changes in the economic and political situation of these countries. During the war, the imperialists were forced to develop certain industries in the colonies and semi-colonies, which objectively contributed to the growth of national capitalism. The strengthened national bourgeoisie began to fight with much greater persistence than before to achieve national independence. The war weakened the imperialist apparatus of violence. Moreover, in a number of cases the imperialists had to attract colonial peoples to participate in military operations, arm them, and train them in modern military technology. Finally, the contradictions between the imperialist powers, which served as one of the most important factors in the outbreak of the world war, subsequently deepened even more.

The Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, having broken the chain of imperialism, opened a new era in the history of the anti-imperialist struggle of the oppressed peoples of Asia and Africa - the era of colonial revolutions. National liberation movements acquired unprecedented mass participation and consciousness. The crisis of the colonial system came integral part general crisis of capitalism.

In colonial and dependent countries, under the direct influence of the October Revolution, communist groups, and then communist parties, began to emerge. Their formation took place in difficult and difficult conditions. This was due to the small number, weakness, and political immaturity of the proletariat of the colonies and semi-colonies, the lack of basic democratic freedoms, and insufficient help from the working class of the metropolises. Nevertheless, communist ideas gradually took possession of the consciousness of the masses.

The foreign policy of the Soviet state had a huge influence on the development of the national liberation struggle in Asia and Africa. The Peace Decree, which demanded peace without annexations and indemnities, explained that annexation is any seizure of another's land, regardless of when it is committed and how advanced or backward the nation being forcibly annexed or forcibly retained is. Having published and annulled the secret treaties of tsarist Russia with other imperialist powers, which provided, in particular, for the division and enslavement of the countries of the East, the government of the RSFSR renounced all unequal treaties wrested by tsarism from China, Turkey, Iran and other dependent countries, from spheres of influence, capitulation and similar privileges. The appeal “To all working Muslims of Russia and the East”, adopted on November 20 (December 3), 1917, announced the refusal of Soviet Russia from the tsarist treaties on the division of Turkey and Iran, and confirmed the right of all peoples to self-determination and free existence. “It is not from Russia and its revolutionary Government,” the address said, “that enslavement awaits you, but from the predators of European imperialism, from those who are waging the current war over the division of your countries...”

The colonial world was not united. In some countries, more or less industrially developed, there was a proletariat, in others there was no capitalist industry at all or almost no capitalist industry, and therefore no factory proletariat. The national bourgeoisie was formed in different ways, and the political (including foreign policy) conditions in which the national liberation struggle of individual colonies and semi-colonies developed were also different.

Therefore, each of the colonial and dependent countries went through its own path of revolutionary development. In China, already during the period under review, the proletariat entered the arena of political struggle. In Turkey, the role of the proletariat was insignificant, and the hegemon of the anti-imperialist revolution was the national trading bourgeoisie. In other cases, the liberation struggle took place under the leadership of feudal lords and tribal leaders (Afghanistan, Morocco).

The course of world-historical development after the Great October Socialist Revolution created for colonial and dependent countries an objective opportunity to move towards socialism, bypassing the stage of capitalism. V.I. Lenin in 1920, at the Second Congress of the Communist International, substantiated this position as follows: “...Can we recognize as correct the statement that the capitalist stage of development national economy inevitable for those backward peoples who are now liberating themselves and among whom, now, after the war, movement along the path of progress is noticeable. We answered this question in the negative. If the revolutionary victorious proletariat conducts systematic propaganda among them, and Soviet governments will come to their aid with all the means at their disposal, then it is wrong to believe that the capitalist stage of development is inevitable for backward peoples" ( V. I. Lenin, II Congress of the Communist International July 19 - August 7, 1920. Report of the commission on national and colonial issues July 26, Works, vol. 31, p. 219.).

At the first stage of the general crisis of capitalism, the scope of this provision was still very limited. Soviet country was then the only country with a proletarian dictatorship. The possibility of a non-capitalist path of development in those years turned out to be practically feasible only for one of the colonial and dependent countries - Mongolia, in which the national liberation struggle developed under the direct influence and with the direct help of the working class of Soviet Russia.