Konstantin Borovoy repent. Putin has reached the point of a real disaster! Russia is now closer than ever to collapse, there is no turning back. Konstantin Borovoy
S. Korzun- Greetings to everyone! Sergey Korzun is me, the “No Fools” program. My guest today is Konstantin Borovoy. Hello, Konstantin Natanovich!
K. Borovoy- Hello!
S. Korzun- Do you still go without security and without insurance? Nothing has changed in the three years that we haven’t seen each other since the last broadcast?
K. Borovoy- Security doesn't help. If they make such a decision, well, what to do? The probability is high, but apparently they haven’t decided yet.
S. Korzun- The first words that Konstantin Natanovich said - in the last program we already said, we found out - that “Dudayev was not killed, and it was not I who blew up the Mercedes.” Shall we stop there?
K. Borovoy- As you wish. I was friends with Dzhokhar Musaevich. He called me quite often and we discussed it. I treated him with great respect. Much of what he said came true. That is, he certainly had a prophetic gift.
S. Korzun- For example.
K. Borovoy“He said that Chechnya will never become a democratic state, will never gain independence as long as this terrible empire exists nearby and will always suppress. And this is his term - “Russianism”, which resembles two more words: “racism” and “fascism”.
S. Korzun- Didn’t it swing to one side? And now some commentators are already saying that Chechnya is already beginning to suppress Russia, given the investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov and so on?
K. Borovoy- No, this is a different situation. I gave examinations: there is no doubt who did all this and why he did it all. Someone there, Belkovsky, in my opinion, suggested simply organizing sociological research and ask the people who they want to punish for this. The people are indifferent to this, as always happens when everyone is silent. This is not main problem for society.
S. Korzun― Konstantin Borovoy, politician, entrepreneur, one of the founding fathers of the Russian Exchange. Does he live in America? By the way, the editor-in-chief of America magazine at one time.
K. Borovoy- Yes, he was the editor-in-chief.
S. Korzun- What's with this magazine? And you live in America, in Russia? But we meet in Russia - this is obvious.
K. Borovoy- No, I live in Russia, of course. I often travel to Europe and America. I now have a fairly large consulting company with Americans. It's called WorldWideConsulting. We work in Russia. If this is interesting, a few words about business.
S. Korzun- Yes, interesting.
K. Borovoy- If the market falls - this is the law of behavior in the market - you need to buy.
S. Korzun- So you are actually bringing capital and investment to Russia? I was wondering if you do political consulting or not?
K. Borovoy- That too. In the United States, political consultations had to be given in the summer. Everyone wants to know what will happen, how it will develop. The situation is quite complicated. Russia is still not behind barbed wire, although the embassy has been surrounded by barbed wire in many European countries the ambassadors themselves. Well, someday it will end, it cannot last very long. The decline in living standards, the exclusion of the country from this economic and political world space - someday this will end. Today, many people think that Western companies predict and plan their activities for decades to come. There is no other way. People, when they buy a house, they enter into a contract for 30-50 years. Therefore, oddly enough, expert interest in what is happening in Russia, in the economy, has even increased slightly, I think.
S. Korzun― Konstantin Natanovich Borovoy brings money to Russia, which - our listeners remember, I won’t delve into the questions yet - he constantly said that it was about to collapse. Who do you work for, Konstantin Natanovich? It feels like it’s on the administration of Russian President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.
K. Borovoy- If we say that it is about to collapse, then it is about to collapse. In general, everything happened as they warned that the economic results of Putin’s activities would be catastrophic. In my forecasts, I predicted some events quite accurately. Sasha Minkin even wanted to argue with me. I said that the liberation of Crimea will begin this summer. For some reason he wanted to bet a million dollars.
S. Korzun- That is, that summer, last?
K. Borovoy- This summer the liberation of Crimea will begin. I'm sure it will start in the summer.
S. Korzun- Well, let's see, summer is just around the corner, in fact, May 9th. And let’s remember what kind of holiday it is.
K. Borovoy- And we will get one million euros from Sasha. He is not a rich man, but for some reason he demanded...
S. Korzun- That is, you and Minkin have a dispute over one million euros. You live well!
K. Borovoy- He said so. I didn't argue with him. We once quarreled over Chubais. Not even me, but Valeria Ilyinichna, and since then, in general, we have not spoken.
S. Korzun- May 9th today, at live Konstantin Borovoy. We still won’t bypass Victory Day. Were you present on Red Square? They didn’t call me - I can feel it in my eyes.
K. Borovoy- Yes. It’s been a long time since I’ve been invited to the Kremlin, and last time I was with Boris Nikolaevich. I watched the parade. I'm shocked, of course, by what I saw. Of course, this is neither a day of remembrance nor a day of mourning. This is the day of propaganda of aggression. Moreover, the company is a propaganda company - well, I haven’t seen anything like it. This was not the case during the Olympics. She's very expensive. Enormous amounts of money were poured into the propaganda of this aggressive policy. And whenever this propaganda occurs - this is a very interesting sign - the words in the mouths of the propagandists begin to take on the opposite meaning. I don’t remember exactly how Putin said this on Red Square, but he said that these post-war European values are subject to change, that they are not respected. I kept thinking that he would now say which ones exactly, because they really are not respected, but they are not observed by Russia: there are aggressive wars and seizure of territories, and disrespect for borders. And suddenly he says this very old idea Evgeny Maksimovich Primakov regarding a unipolar, multipolar world. This non-existent reality in the mouth of Putin is main feature violations of European world values.
S. Korzun- While politics hasn’t drawn us in, it’s still a military memory for you personally – what is it, the day of May 9?
K. Borovoy- Day of remembrance and sorrow. Of course, we must remember those who died - this is our duty, there is no doubt about it. But make a propaganda campaign out of it.
S. Korzun- Are there any fighters in the family?
K. Borovoy- Yes, my mother-in-law is still alive, a participant, an artilleryman. She is in Poltava, and as you understand, she has her own view on the Victory celebrations in Moscow. I won’t speak for her, I’ll say for myself: what the leaders of the world powers, the rest of the world, the civilized world told us when they refused to go to the Victory celebrations in Moscow is that this is a terrible, disgusting war, which is no longer the only one with Georgia remembering the war is unworthy of a great state. By the way, my association arose after I listened to the speakers. During a propaganda campaign, this is the most important thing - the people, the people. The association is that this is a day of remembrance for mankurts, that is, people deprived of this physiological function - memory. That is, let's not forget, let's remember... Well, let's remember the moment when this St. George's, so beloved today, arose. This is the war with Georgia in 2008, an aggressive, barbaric war. Let's remember the unacceptability of what happened to Ukraine. Let's finally remember Nuremberg Tribunal. Everything was formulated there, and we, as a country, are slowly accumulating these crimes: waging aggressive wars, disrespect for borders, sadism, mass murder of people...
S. Korzun- St. George's Ribbon, since we're talking about symbols - at least I'm not a psychoanalyst, but still - do you want to talk about this? About symbols. How are they born? Do you think that the St. George's ribbon...
K. Borovoy- She appeared...
S. Korzun- Well, she appeared much earlier...
K. Borovoy- No, it appeared as a symbol and was used by propaganda in 2008 in connection with the war in Georgia. And since then it has been a symbol of support for Russia’s actions in Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova.
S. Korzun- Great patriotic symbol. Or is patriotism something different in your opinion?
K. BOROVOY: Our nationalists are always imperials
K. Borovoy- Patriotic in the modern understanding, in the modern Kremlin, I would say, understanding. Patriotism as a requirement to respect these aggressive, barbaric interests of the empire. An imperial symbol more than a patriotic one.
S. Korzun- Today there are several messages about how St. George’s ribbons are torn off in other countries. And in Georgia there was a story with bikers, and many stories can be remembered. And I remember how white ribbons were torn off here and imprisoned for them. The struggle of symbols, the struggle of ideas, or simply stupidity, and you cannot fight with symbols.
K. Borovoy- No, it offends people, you know? A huge number of people died in the war in Georgia and during the Abkhaz events. It was barbaric aggression.
S. Korzun- Can you put the white ribbon in this row, which was worn by the oppositionists?
K. Borovoy- This is still just an opposition symbol - a symbol of the opposition that is fighting for its civil rights, actually for the rights of ordinary people.
S. Korzun“We can assume that for 85 percent—let’s take the average sociological figure—the white ribbon evokes exactly the same feeling of rejection and hatred.
K. Borovoy- This good question regarding the mass or crowd and the individual. There was a film by Mikhail Romm “Ordinary Fascism”. He walked through “Culture” yesterday or the day before – I don’t remember. This is a film about the mechanism of the emergence of fascism. And he walked away so quietly. Because if it went through the main screens, it would be a copy, a tracing of the events that are happening in Russia now. And this problem of the relationship between the individual and the crowd, it is considered there as one of the mechanisms, ways of the emergence of fascism. At that moment when the power tells the individual that there is no need to think, that everything is decided for you; The most important thing is the mass of people. It is at this moment that fascism arises. When I see today crowds of people with these very “Colorado” ribbons, I understand... they are showing me a very useful mechanism, because it needs to be reminded, but the mechanism of the emergence of ordinary fascism.
S. Korzun- “Colorado” ribbons... we’re just journalists, so to be clear: you St. George's ribbon call it "Colorado".
K. Borovoy“Valeria Ilyinichna and I introduced this term and argued for a long time about who came up with it and even recorded a video about it, and decided that if they ever pay for it, we will divide it in half.
S. Korzun- Fine. Isn’t the fight against St. George’s ribbons in some territories and countries the beginnings of fascism?
K. Borovoy- This is a fight against imperialism, against the empire. This is a fight against the most dangerous phenomenon for humanity today. Dangerous, and we can already see it, and it costs lives, thousands of lives. Petro Poroshenko spoke about more than 7 thousand Ukrainians who have died already, this is only for this war. We must fight this in the same way as we fight fascism. Now the most popular phrase is what I heard... Today, especially for you, in order to participate in the program, I watched our main information propaganda channels. “We must remember” is the main thesis. Moreover, it is possible not to remember - to grieve for the dead, but we must remember - and people answer this question differently. If we really remember what we are obliged to, must remember, then we should not have allowed Russia’s current policies to happen, if we really remembered this, if we were afraid of fascism, afraid of its revival. These 140 or 300 thousand - different numbers are called there - they were against the war with Ukraine.
S. Korzun- Now we’ve probably come to the definition of fascism. So fascism takes the form of such a bogeyman, it is stuck on everyone. What is fascism really?
K. Borovoy- There are several definitions and signs of fascism.
S. Korzun- What Romm probably meant is probably fascism - when they say Nazism, politics Nazi Germany– what was condemned in Nuremberg, let’s say.
K. Borovoy- Yes, very formal signs such as these were condemned in Nuremberg. There the word “fascism” in itself was not even condemned. The conduct of aggressive wars was condemned. You can start bending your fingers. Is it there today? Eat. Violation of the borders of independent states - is this possible? Here is Crimea - it seems there is...
S. Korzun- And the Americans in Iraq - right away. I'm on the other side.
K. Borovoy- They've already left.
S. Korzun- Well, they came in. They left - and what did they leave behind? Violation of territorial integrity.
K. Borovoy- They were included due to the fact that an aggressive policy was being pursued towards other states. This is self-defense. This is Yemen's demand...
S. Korzun- This is also what the Russian leadership refers to in the Georgian conflict with South Ossetia. A question of terminology. I’m trying to get to the point, to get you to the point.
K. Borovoy- This is a matter of propaganda.
S. Korzun- So one is propaganda, and the other is not propaganda?
K. Borovoy― The question of propaganda is that the troops brought into the territory of South Ossetia even before the start of the conflict in Tskhinvali, in order to justify this, it was necessary to explain this by aggressive behavior, Georgia did not attack Russia, there was not a single Georgian serviceman on Russian territory, not a single Moldavian serviceman, not a single Ukrainian military personnel - what is there to explain? We can go deeper into this topic, into details, Sergey, but then it will be a refutation or counteraction to propaganda. This is a very long, very important topic.
S. Korzun- What I mean is that maybe we should stop throwing around the word “fascism” in vain. It’s the same as... I don’t know, you can find some comparisons, but to describe what is, that’s exactly what you said about Nuremberg trial– your interpretation: “this is an aggressive imperialist action to destroy neighbors.” Maybe we should cancel the word, leave it there, in history for Mussolini.
K. Borovoy- Coelho has a definition consisting of several signs. By all indications, Russian imperialism today fully qualifies as fascism. Many philosophers have analyzed this phenomenon and discussed it. This is not a matter of propaganda, it is a factual matter of concrete action. Russia today is essentially a state that promotes real fascism without fools. There's nothing you can do about it. We need to fight this, we need to explain to people. Here, too, you see, everyone thinks: a little time will pass, and then we will make peace with Ukraine, we will hug, Putin will leave. Guys, now I’m addressing the listeners - no, this won’t happen, Ukrainians will remember this for several generations - that’s okay. You will have to answer for this. After the defeat of Nazi Germany, a couple of dozen people were hanged, but another 200-300 thousand were criminally responsible and received prison terms there.
S. Korzun- They are still finding more.
K. Borovoy- Yes. One of those hanged, by the way, is the man who was responsible for propaganda campaigns, the editor-in-chief of the main information source at that time, was hanged.
S. Korzun- The process took place because there were winners and losers. The vanquished were judged. Is it possible now that there will be a war in which there will be winners and losers?
K. Borovoy- Looking at today's events, I am more and more convinced that we can overcome Russian fascism on our own - by the forces of the opposition - now we will talk about this...
S. Korzun- We'll talk after the break.
K. Borovoy- ...we will not succeed with the forces of the opposition. And this means that humanity will apparently deal with Russian fascism in the same way as with German fascism. This is very bad. This means guys...
S. Korzun- That is, you are predicting a war.
K. Borovoy- Now the whole world, the whole of Ukraine is waiting for the start of war, right now - on May 9th or 10th. Whether this will happen or not, I don’t know, but the war is already underway. And if it develops, this war will end in Moscow. And there are a lot of signs of this, because the state of society that today supports these aggressive actions is catastrophic. We'll support anything. Let's put it on St. George's ribbon regarding the capture of Kyiv. Whatever you want is what society says today.
S. Korzun― Konstantin Borovoy in the program “No Fools.” A short break, after which we will return to the studio.
S. Korzun- Let me remind you that today in this program we are meeting with Konstantin Borov, politician and entrepreneur. They promised to talk about the opposition - where would we be without the opposition? Ginny asks: “Why do you dislike Navalny so much?” Straight to the point question, straight to the point answer. Personal?
K. Borovoy- No, no, of course not. I really like the name of the program: “No Fools.” You know, every time Vitya writes that “what fools they are” - I have a very good attitude towards him, you probably know, I mean Viktor Shenderovich, he writes this quite often - I get a little upset. Here we are opposed - by “us” I mean, of course, not you, you freelance journalist, and the opposition - we are opposed by a highly expert community. These are tens of thousands of specialists from various fields, including psychologists. Not fools at all. Remember the movie "Operation Trust"?
S. Korzun- Very approximately. Haven't looked at it for a long time.
K. Borovoy- It was the Cheka that carried out an operation against the opposition - what’s that! It was simple: the opposition had to be suppressed. Were peasant uprisings, there were dissatisfied people - both the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia. They deported and shot. There were hundreds of times less of them then - this political police - maybe thousands of times. A fictitious organization was created. And this fictitious organization, posing as the political opposition, in some way... well, they even deceived Reilly, whom the Cheka eventually got hold of.
S. Korzun- That’s a great story – I already remembered the whole film. Who didn't watch it in Soviet times?
K. Borovoy- Nothing has changed. The same people, the heirs of this GPU-VChK-KGB...
S. Korzun- So, we decided: smart people, you think against the opposition.
K. Borovoy- They act very directed, very expertly. Political structures are being created in a huge number. The area of the nationalists is the area of the Kremlin’s action. There, Dima Rogozin was once responsible for this and created a whole movement there. Belov is there, the rest... Thor is there. Then they found themselves in opposition...
S. Korzun- I just wanted to ask what Navalny has to do with it, as I realized that you are leading to exactly this point, starting with Shenderovich - from afar, I must say.
K. BOROVOY: Now the whole world, all of Ukraine is waiting for the start of war
K. Borovoy- How to promote such a leader, artificially created - how? He should ideally become the leader of the opposition. So, what would we do with you? Let's promote such a person. I would write a huge poster with a photograph of this man and sign it: “This is the leader of the opposition.” That’s exactly what they did: “Navalny and the rest.” The rest are a little there - these are Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who served ten years in prison, and Mikhail Kasyanov. Navalny and the rest. You see, there are a lot of these signs of progress, so to speak, of this fictitious opposition - the nationalists. I’m not even talking about the fact that the absolutely anti-democratic idea itself, the nationalist “Russian March”, destroys the opposition, it turns it into nothing. Everyone is surprised: 200 thousand came out to protest, and a couple of years later - 40 thousand. Well, because the political police act very carefully...
S. Korzun- Do I understand your idea correctly: if you are a nationalist, it means that you cannot be an opposition, but you must be connected with the state? - that's what I asked.
K. Borovoy- I cannot call the nationalist position, the nationalist party, democratic. The principle itself is not democratic, it is an imperial principle. Our nationalists are always imperials. This is an isolationist principle - creating a democratic opposition that includes Nazis is absurd. This is the same propaganda absurdity when words change their meaning to the opposite.
S. Korzun- Maybe we don’t need democracy? We are Asians from some side - from the eastern side we are definitely Asians. Let there be autocracy, but there will be a liberal opposition.
K. Borovoy- Well, don’t call it. Mikhal Mikhalych - I’m now turning to Kasyanov - don’t call this a democratic opposition or a democratic association. Call it an opposition association. This is even called a “democratic unification”.
S. Korzun- Who do you consider to be the opposition? - let's go from the other side. There is a question here: “You criticize everyone - some are nationalists, others are communists - Valeria Ilyinichna was the only ally, - we will remember today - this is not constructive. And what is the purpose of your political activity? Well, who is the opposition, really?
K. Borovoy- Now let’s go to Valeria Ilyinichna, otherwise we’ll forget later. She will turn 65 on May 17. The question that I constantly asked her - we’ve known each other for 25 years, it was very interesting to me - what is it like to be alone? In 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed, Galina Vasilievna Starovoitova suddenly said - I don’t remember for what reason - that there was one famous politician in the Soviet Union - one - with clear anti-communist positions and who advocated the collapse Soviet Union- one. And after she scattered leaflets and made some statements, human rights leaders did not treat her very well, to put it mildly. The very idea of anti-communism, the idea of democracy in the conditions of the Soviet Union - they believed that this was a provocative idea, this was a provocation. What is it like to oppose the Soviet Union? What is it like to speak out against your own family? communist party? We must strive to make it softer, more digestible, so that some kind of democratic processes begin within the party.
She was alone. Just alone. I was friends with Elena Georgievna Bonner, we once discussed this. She said: “Yes, I perceived Novodvorskaya’s activities as in some sense provocative, because there are things that cannot be said.” Then I understood everything: I loved Lerochka and treated her well. But this process lasted for quite a long time, decades, when she was isolated, including from the opposition in the sense in the Soviet Union, from the human rights movement.
S. Korzun- But by analogy: Vladimir Ilyich Lenin also called for the defeat of his imperialist government in the First World War. And he was not alone, he was supported.
K. Borovoy- Yes. Lerochka and I have another wonderful story, when for several years our very respected politicians- I’ll just name the level: Boris Nemtsov, Garry Kasparov, many of them thought that our speech was against Limonov, who stands for the Constitution of Russia, a democratic Constitution, human rights, and we said that Limon is a Nazi, that he doesn’t care about this Constitution. How did he say it: “Stalin, Beria, Gulag” - that this is the main thing. One of the Ekho Moskvy journalists shouted at me on television that “you and Novodvorskaya were bought by Putin.” You see, it even got to such an absurdity. Garik, with whom we have known for a very long time - I have great respect for his mother Klara Shagenovna, who always told me: “Kostya, stop being involved in politics - you are doing better in business.” - Garik, speaking to nationalists, those people who simply hated him, he begins to tell them that Putin bribed Borovoy and Novodvorskaya. This is an emotional step, I forgave him for this a long time ago. But it was.
S. Korzun- Everyone is wrong, so what? Well, you can be alone, think that the whole world is wrong and not raise anyone to fight for the cause that you consider right.
K. Borovoy- Do you think that I was wrong or that we were wrong when we talked about Limonov?
S. Korzun- No, I’m trying to put myself in your place, in the place of Valeria Ilyinichna... Alone against everyone, even against those close in spirit, in fact.
K. Borovoy- It is very difficult to be absolutely impartial. This is what Lerochka taught me. It’s simple, if two and two are four, then there is nothing to discuss. Twice two is four. A man stands nearby and says: “No, four and a half.” And you say: “Twice two is four” - even if you are left alone. And it's okay. These are the conditions, this is how life works.
S. Korzun- But you can perform a political action, some kind of political happening, but you cannot take political power.
K. Borovoy- Satarov recently appeared - he justified the creation of a coalition, the involvement of nationalists - and he used a rather cynical phrase that the goal of political activity is coming to power. If there is no such goal, if there is no goal of getting 5% of the votes, then this is not political activity - they are just some idiots.
S. Korzun- I think that many will agree.
K. Borovoy- I don’t agree with this.
S. Korzun- Why?
K. Borovoy- Because today, under the conditions of the Nazi state, getting these 5% in parliament is meaningless, it’s absurd. This means supporting the legitimation of power. This means supporting the government by violating your own principles. Either we get votes with the nationalists, as is now being planned, but then forget about your own principles and call yourself democrats, because you begin to act exactly like the KGB, which came up with the name “liberal-democratic” for Vladimir Volfovich.
K. BOROVOVY: Let's remember the unacceptability of what happened to Ukraine
S. Korzun- But if everything is covered in white fluffy, then you need to build a tower from ivory and live in it.
K. Borovoy- Why? Just tell the truth and someday it will work. For a very long time Valeria Ilyinichna was called a provocateur when she made anti-communist statements. My favorite statement, which she made several times, including in 1993, very short, very precise: “Down with Soviet power! - that's all. You see, that was the whole point of it. People said: “How can this be? Here we are, communists - for democracy. What nonsense is “Soviet power - down!” We must reform the Soviet government, we must join the CPSU.” And it all ended in meanness, it ended in betrayal. We need to join the KGB - I don’t know - and help destroy this Soviet power, but you can’t say that. This is the essence of this cunning policy, which always leads to a dead end and disappointment.
S. Korzun- But if there is no goal to gather people around you, then this is certainly not politics.
K. Borovoy- What upsets me most today is not even these 85 or 86 percent who support Putin, but among these 86 percent - 60 or 70 percent - these are people who understand everything, they help, that this is a false propaganda campaign – what happens in the information environment. They understand that this is an aggressive barbaric war that Russia is waging in Ukraine, in Transnistria, in Georgia - they understand this, and they support it.
K. Borovoy- Today we need to talk about this. That's enough. If there is not a single person who will say this, and those who call themselves the opposition will solve the problem of getting 30 seats in parliament...
S. Korzun- It’s more convenient to speak in parliament: you can hear it louder.
K. Borovoy- No, not always. The fact is that when you come to an agreement with Slava Surkov that okay, to hell with you - we will give you 5 seats in parliament, but with the condition: not to talk. Volodya Gusinsky... In 1999, I spoke in the Duma - I was a deputy - at a press conference, I spoke about the explosion of houses, that we cannot support this Putin. By the way, I wrote him a letter because Sobchak asked me to support Putin. I wrote that I wouldn’t do this, I couldn’t, despite Anatoly Alexandrovich’s request. I was told quite frankly that today it is impossible to take such an unpatriotic position. To which I replied: Okay, close NTV and Ekho Moskvy for me, but you must understand that you will be next. If we are not there, then you will be next. Two months have passed, two months... You see, this is not a prophecy - this is an ordinary calculation, based not on some illusory considerations, on the consideration that two and two are four. That's exactly what happened.
S. Korzun- Question from Maxim from Moscow. By the way, I wanted to mention that Ilya is from Yaroslavl - we answered two questions without naming Ilya, we must give him his due. Question from Maxim from Moscow: “In your opinion, even some Finnish nationalists are also imperials?”
K. Borovoy- There was a long discussion about this, including in our party: nationalists in Ukraine and nationalists in Russia.
S. Korzun- Those same notorious Banderaites, in short.
K. Borovoy- Today Poroshenko, by the way, spoke about the positive role of the UPA in the fight against fascism. Fight against the empire. Nationalism as a fight for one’s language... This is the KGB term. Ukrainian nationalists are people who advocate the preservation of their own language, their own literature. Nationalists? You need to plant - what do you mean! For an independent state or people who said that Ukraine was once independent state, unlike Putin, who said that such a state had never existed at all. These are the nationalists. They are anti-imperial. These are people who stand for democratic principles. There are all sorts of perversions among the nationalists - there are also imperialists there, by the way - but they are opposite in their aspirations to the nationalists who are fighting for the reconstruction, restoration of the empire with completely Nazi slogans today in Moscow, in Russia. Not to mention the fact that they walk around with swastikas at this “Russian March”.
S. Korzun― Konstantin Borovoy, this is the program “No Fools” on “Echo of Moscow”. Time is quickly melting away. I definitely want to ask, returning to today’s Victory Parade. Official television paid a lot of attention to the neighbor on the right, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. This, accordingly, is the Chinese leader - he was constantly in the frame, I must say. Is there a possibility of a real rapprochement between Russia and China? Is there a danger in this or, on the contrary, is it a positive feature...?
K. Borovoy- China is not interested in us. He has a lot of very serious problems.
S. Korzun- Why did you come then? In a serious, adult way.
K. Borovoy- We are interesting as a colony - not as a partner. And in general, Putin is now doing everything to ensure that Russia turns into a raw materials colony. Nothing more to offer. “Elbrus” - a computer that costs 4 thousand dollars and whose performance today, when it first appeared, is three times lower than that of an ordinary small laptop, is of no interest to anyone. The Chinese can do this much better. China is approaching a very difficult transition process. It's Complicated. Many people who do business talk about this, they tell me. This militarized economy cannot exist for long. This existence of a communist state-controlled idea and a liberal component that allows you to compete in the market - it can only exist in conditions when the economy is such a large concentration camp where workers receive rations. This is roughly how it happens, maintaining the yuan exchange rate against the dollar is a way to maintain growth wages, lack of a pension system. This is a concentration camp in which, by the way, the labor of prisoners is used very widely; in which, as it turns out, the organs of political opponents of the regime have long been exported. Everything is very complicated. Focusing on them is not only dangerous, it would be okay, it is absolutely futile. This is a dead rotten idea - to create a new world order in cooperation with China. This is from despair, this is from the lack of any ideas in reality.
K. BOROVOY: I haven’t been invited to the Kremlin for a long time, and the last time I was under Boris Nikolayevich
S. Korzun- The very last thing. Let me return to the statement that struck me, that Konstantin Borovoy advises Western investors, including American ones, to invest money in the Russian economy. I already suggested in the first part that you work for Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Now a counter-assumption - you work for the Washington Regional Committee, which wants to buy everything in Russia cheaply, like in the hurricane years of the 90s, in order to then strangle Russia economically.
K. Borovoy- Nothing is needed. I’m not agitating anyone; in today’s conditions, investing here is impossible, impossible. With this current level of corruption...
S. Korzun- Does business care absolutely? Profit rate - that's all. We have 30 seconds until the end of the program.
K. Borovoy- Yes, business doesn’t care, you’re right. Real business - and this is the reason why I, so to speak, moved away from big business, that is, I simply got rid of shares in large companies - business - you still have to be a cynic, you have to make money. If you don’t make money, then you’re not a business, which means you’re doing something else, doing something else.
S. Korzun- A romantic, not a cynic, Konstantin Borovoy was a guest of the “No Fools” program. Thank you, and happy everyone!
K. Borovoy- Thank you!
Famous Russian entrepreneur and politician. Chief Manager of the Russian Commodity and Raw Materials Exchange (RTSB).
Personal information
Married twice.
Two daughters: the eldest - Yulia, 33 years old, a journalist, the youngest - Elena, 16 years old, a student.
Two granddaughters: Anastasia, 10 years old, and Maria, 3 years old.
Second wife - Tamara Vladimirovna was born on Far East, graduated with honors from Moscow Institute foreign languages(MIYA), pre
I applied to the MIFL, the Institute of Architecture and, together with my husband, to the Institute of Land Management. Marriage with Konstantin Natanovich - the second, the first husband died tragically.
Father - Nathan Efimovich Borovoy, professor. Until 1937 he was a writer and secretary of RAPP. When RAPP members began to be imprisoned, he went to the editorial office
publication of the Metrostroy newspaper, and then into science.
Mother - Elena Konstantinovna Borovaya (nee Andrianova), a former party worker.
My maternal grandfather, Alexey Snegov, a revolutionary who at the age of 16 became chairman of the revolutionary committee in Vinnitsa, spent 18 years in Stalin’s camps. Before that he worked at the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Federation
Raina, and after liberation - deputy. head of the political department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, exempted Article 58. In 1953, he acted as the main witness at the trial of Beria, and was friends with N. S. Khrushchev. IN recent years work in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, he actively promoted the idea of abolishing death penalty. Was on first name terms with Leonid Brezhnev.
in the house of the Ministry of Railways as a late, youngest, child in the family of a mathematics professor at the Moscow Institute of Transport Engineers and the head of a special department of the Zheleznodorozhny District Party Committee.
In 1965 he graduated from a special mathematical school.
In 1967 he got married and his first daughter was born. Marriage, alone
However, it ends in divorce.
In 1972, he met his second wife Tamara Vladimirovna.
Graduated from the faculty in 1970 computer technology Moscow Institute of Transport Engineers and in 1974, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University. Lomonosov. Another famous “mathematician” studied with him
k" - singer Vyacheslav Malezhik. He defended his Ph.D. thesis in 1983 and received the title of associate professor. Until 1989 he worked in research institutes and taught at educational institutes and universities (VTUZ at the Likhachev Automobile Plant).
From 1989 to 1993, he participated as an expert and manager
in creating new enterprises for modern economy: stock exchanges, banks, investment companies, television companies, news agencies and other enterprises. He is best known as the president of the first and largest Russian stock exchange. At the same time, he did not create personal or private enterprises.
President 1990-92
t of the Russian Commodity and Raw Materials Exchange (RTSB).
In 1991 - President of the Russian Investment Joint Stock Company "Rinako". Participated in the confrontation with the Emergency Committee. Together with another two thousand exchange employees, he carried a huge Russian banner through the center of Moscow on August 20.
Since the end of September 1991 there was
member of the Entrepreneurship Council under the President of the USSR, member of the Entrepreneurship Council under the President Russian Federation, co-chairman of the Foundation foreign policy RF. Financial Director of the Open Russian Film Festival.
In 1992 he created the Economic Freedom Party.
For 3 years he has headed the temporary management group of the VKT television company.
Since March 1992, Chairman of the Russian National Bank. In October 1992, he unsuccessfully ran for people's deputies from Krasnodar national-territorial district No. 17.
Since April 1994 - Deputy Director
NPO "Molniya"
On March 12, 1994, at the 31st kilometer of the Yaroslavl-Kostroma highway, Konstantin Borovoy’s Mercedes car was fired upon, Konstantin Natanovich himself jumped out of the car and disappeared into the forest. The Mercedes was blown up by a grenade and burned.
Since 1995 - head of the Borovoy-Trust company. His desk
The leader in this case was the chairman of Investprombank, Leonid Rosenblum, accused under Article 117 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (previously charged under this article).
Until December 1999, he was a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the second convocation (elected on December 17, 1995 according to the Tushino single-mandate
local constituency (Moscow) and a member of the State Duma Committee on Budget, Taxes, Banks and Finance.
On April 21, 1996, during a telephone conversation between Borovoy and the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Dzhokhar Dudayev, a special operation was carried out to
Konstantin Borovoy was born in post-war 1948 in Moscow, in a respectable and, at that time, fairly wealthy family. His father, Nathan Efimovich, was a famous professor of mathematics and taught at the Engineering and Transport Institute (now the State University of Transport).
Childhood and youth
Konstantin Natanovich’s mother was a hereditary party worker, held high position Chairman of the special department at the Zheleznodorozhny District Committee of the CPSU.
Maternal grandfather, Joseph Falikzon (party pseudonym - Snegov), was a professional revolutionary and party worker, knew the future general secretaries of the USSR N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev well.
High-ranking parents the boy was absent from work for days on end. Since childhood, little Kostya was raised by his grandmother, an educated and intelligent woman.
She was able to give her grandson an excellent education: with her Kostya visited theaters, art galleries, and libraries. From childhood, the grandmother instilled in the boy a love of reading and learning, good taste to art.
With her, he attends literary meetings at the Polytechnic Museum, listening live to the performances of the greatest Soviet poets of that time - Rozhdestvensky, Yevtushenko, Voznesensky, Akhmadullina.
As a schoolboy, Konstantin Borovoy, under the patronage of his professor father, attended lecture courses at Moscow State University on physics and astronomy. The boy studied at a special school with a mathematical focus, which he graduated with honors in 1965.
After school young man easily passed the exams at the Engineering and Transport Institute, which he graduated in 1970, and immediately after that he continued his studies at Moscow State University at the Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics.
After graduating from Moscow State University, Borovoy is engaged in work in the field of automation of control systems, while simultaneously undergoing postgraduate studies at the university.
In 1983 Konstantin Natanovich defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic of subway traffic control using a computer. In the next six years, until 1989, he worked at specialized research institutes and taught special courses at various universities in the capital.
He makes many friends among the scientific and creative intelligentsia. The career of a young talented scientist is developing quite successfully, however, life has made its own adjustments.
Going into business
Perestroika dramatically changed the lives of many residents of the Soviet Union. Due to the worsening economic situation and conversion, state support for science has decreased significantly.
Many prominent scientists and university teachers, quite wealthy in Soviet times, for the first time felt what a lack of money, salary delays and other delights of the transitional time were like. But at the same time, the lifting of the ban on private entrepreneurship opened up the broadest prospects for people with business acumen, of whom there were plenty even in Soviet times.
One of these newly-born entrepreneurs was the mathematician Konstantin Borovoy. After leaving the research institute, he begins to independently develop supplies for enterprises software for computers.
He is fruitfully engaged in creating the basis for a new, market economy of Russia - he participates in the development and organization of television channels, investment funds, and banking organizations.
But Borovoy’s most famous creation as an entrepreneur is Russian Commodity and Raw Materials Exchange. In the early 90s, its share accounted for up to half of all Russian wholesale turnover. However, Konstantin is not used to staying in one place for a long time, and already a couple of years after the opening of the exchange, he transfers it to Vlasov.
Borovoy himself took up new business projects. In 1992 becomes chairman of the board Russian National Bank, in 1993 – headed the television company VKT, since 1994. - Director of the Molniya company, in 1995. founded the Borovoy Trust company and the Boomerang radio station.
Political activity
Back in the early 1990s, Borovoy began to get seriously involved in politics. So, during the putsch of the State Emergency Committee, in August 1991, he, accompanied by a crowd of two thousand, walked along the central streets of the capital with a large Russian tricolor.
After the suppression of the putsch, he was appointed to Entrepreneurship Council under the President of the Russian Federation. In 1992 Borovoy founded the Party of Economic Freedom, unsuccessfully running for mayor of Moscow. In the same year, he again unsuccessfully tried to get into the Supreme Council from Krasnodar.
In 1994 on Konstantin Borovoy an attempt was made. His car was fired upon by unknown killers late in the evening on a suburban highway near Moscow. Borovoy managed to jump out of the car and, taking advantage of the darkness, disappeared into the forest adjacent to the road.
The would-be killers blew up the businessman's car with a grenade and fled. The police were never able to solve this crime. It remains unclear whether the attempt is related to economic or political activity Konstantin.
From 1995 to 1999 takes position of State Duma deputy from the Tushino district of Moscow. While in opposition, he maintains relations with the leader of the Chechen separatists D. Dudayev. During one of these satellite phone conversations with Borov, Dudayev was destroyed by a Russian homing missile that “found” the militant via radio wave.
In recent years, he has been in opposition to the current Russian government, and had close contacts with V. Novodvorskaya and a number of other leaders of the “non-systemic opposition.”
Personal life
Was married twice. I got married for the first time when I was a student, in 1967. In this marriage, his eldest daughter, Julia, was born, who died tragically in 2008.
However, the first marriage was short-lived and soon ended in divorce. Konstantin married for the second time in 1972. on his colleague, university teacher Tamara.
In his second marriage, Borovoy had another daughter, Elena. Today Konstantin Borovoy is happy grandfather, having three granddaughters aged 28, 22 and 14 years.
) - Russian businessman and politician, deputy of the State Duma of the 2nd convocation (1995-2000), ex-chairman of the Economic Freedom Party (1992-2003), chairman political party"Western Choice" (since March 17, 2013).
Biography
Born on June 30, 1948 in Moscow, the late, youngest child in the family of mathematics professor Nathan Efimovich Borovoy (1909-1981) and the head of the special department of the Zheleznodorozhny District Party Committee, Elena Konstantinovna Borovoy (née Andrianova, 1912-1993).
In 1965 he graduated from a special mathematical school. In 1967 he got married and his first daughter was born. The marriage, however, ended in divorce. In 1972, he met his second wife Tamara Vladimirovna.
From 1989 to 1993, as an expert and manager, he participated in the creation of new enterprises for the modern economy: stock exchanges, banks, investment companies, television companies, news agencies and other enterprises. He is best known as the president of the first and largest Russian stock exchange. At the same time, he did not create personal or private enterprises.
On April 21, 1996, during a telephone conversation between Borovoy and the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Dzhokhar Dudayev, Russian special services carried out an operation, as a result of which Dudayev was killed by a homing missile launched from an airplane.
Until December 1999, he was a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation (elected on December 17, 1995 in the Tushinsky single-mandate electoral district (Moscow)) and a member of the State Duma Committee on Budget, Taxes, Banks and Finance.
In the spring of 2010, he signed the appeal of the Russian opposition “Putin must leave.” Together with Valeria Novodvorskaya, he produced videos that he published in “
Konstantin Natanovich Borovoy, a well-known opponent of Putin’s policies, became not the most favorite guest in the Russian media. With the beginning of contradictions between Russia and the European Union, he found his purpose, sided with Ukraine and directly spoke out about his hatred of the Russian Federation and its president. Where is Konstantin Borovoy now? He lives in Russia and reaps the benefits of successful foreign business. About his life, career and personal life we will tell you in this article.
Borovoy family
Snegov Alexey Vladimirovich (real name Falikzon Joseph Izrailevich) is Konstantin Natanovich’s grandfather on his mother’s side. He was a revolutionary and spent eighteen years of his life in the terrible Stalinist camps. When he was rehabilitated, he opposed Beria and was friends with Brezhnev and Khrushchev. His wife, Konstantin Borovoy’s grandmother, was an ordinary woman, very religious, and it was she who was able, under pain of punishment, to baptize her beloved grandson.
The father of the future politician (Borovoy Nathan Efimovich) was a professor of mathematics at the Moscow Institute, and a writer until 1937. Mom held a high position in the Zheleznodorozhny district party committee.
Borovoy's childhood
Konstantin Borovoy was youngest child. He was born in 1948, June 30. His family was very successful, and the boy spent the post-war years of his childhood without need, growing up as an intellectual.
As already mentioned, the child was baptized, which in those years was a dangerous act, and to this day he is a believing Christian. Konstantin read a lot and loved going to the theaters. He loved his grandmother most of all in the family, and she raised her grandson with love and warmth, taking care of him practically alone, since the parents were constantly busy with work.
By the age of twelve, Konstantin Borovoy was already a regular at meetings held at the Polytechnic Museum, where he became acquainted with the work of poets of those times. The guy also attended Moscow State University, where he carefully listened to lectures on literature, physics and astronomy. At the same age, he and his classmates created their own secret organization, which began distributing samizdat literature.
Student years, work in graduate school
After graduating from mathematics school, the guy, under the guidance of his parents, becomes a student at the university where his father worked. It was the Moscow Institute of Transport Engineers, Faculty of Computer Science, and Konstantin Borovoy graduated from it in 1970. But his studies did not end there, he went further and began to develop further at Moscow State University at the Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics. At the end of this stage of his life, Konstantin Natanovich remained in graduate school, and a few years later he defended his Ph.D. thesis and became an assistant professor.
Successful career
After all his training and work experience gained in graduate school, Konstantin Natanovich began to build his career, which was quite successful at that time. He teaches at several universities and research institutes. In connection with his work, he makes many intelligent and smart friends, including Irina Khakamada. They often gather to discuss not only culinary delights and literature, but also to assess the situation in the country.
First millions
Living his entire life as a teacher was not part of Borovoy’s plans. He wanted to achieve real success, to earn a comfortable life not only for himself, but also for his future descendants. Konstantin Borovoy left universities in 1987. Since that time, he began to provide institutes with the necessary software equipment and carries out his own scientific developments.
Things were going well, people whom he helped to earn money came to him with confidence. Having earned respect, he became the chairman of several cooperatives. Since 1989, Konstantin Natanovich began charitable activities, as income began to allow virtue. He helps the poor and disadvantaged old people, sponsors the Modern Opera Theater.
Soon his bank account totals millions, but this is not enough; Borovoy is confident that he is capable of much more.
Exchange movement in the USSR
Konstantin Borovoy, whose biography is described in our article, never hid his Jewish roots. He was not ashamed of his nationality and was not afraid of it, as his grandfather had once been, but was even proud of his origin. In 1989, he joined the Jewish Union, and there he made many useful contacts. It was those people who helped bring it to life new idea Borovoy - the creation of the first stock exchange in the USSR.
By 1990, all projects were ready for the opening of a commodity and raw materials exchange. It was not the easiest project, since the authorities were against such an innovation, but the instigators still defended their brainchild. Soon things went just fine, not only Soviet shareholders were attracted, but also foreign ones.
First popularity
Having become the chairman of the directors of the commercial bank of Russia, Borovoy begins educational activities. From his lips, citizens learn all the possibilities and advantages of a market economy, and this brings him fame. Konstantin Borovoy has become popular and recognizable, he is often invited to television and interviewed.
From that time on, it became available to Borovoy direct communication with the president. From that time on, Konstantin Natanovich was already considered a brawler; his tongue failed him so much that at one point he barely survived an assassination attempt.
Political activity
Konstantin Borovoy decides to take refuge from possible further attacks in politics. He becomes the founder of the Economic Freedom Party, and gains fame in the field of defending democracy during the putsch, and this brings him closer to Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin.
In 1995, thanks to his ironic speeches, Konstantin Borovoy was elected as a deputy to the Duma. His policy is directed towards the opposition to the government in force at that time and defends the freedom of democracy.
Over the next few years, luck in politics did not smile on Borovoy. He became famous as an ardent oppositionist, and was not elected in any elections. He constantly imagines the FSB behind his back, and he declares that the authorities are persecuting him because they are afraid of the truth.
In 2010, he signed a petition against Putin and became close to Valeria Novodvorskaya. They jointly created the Western Choice party and promoted all the advantages of European life. The party was prohibited from officially registering, but it continued to exist, as if saying: “There are oppositionists in Russia.”
Now
Konstantin Borovoy runs his consulting company. It is located in Russia, although the partners are foreigners. Borovoy often travels abroad, but continues to live in Russia, although he is an ardent opponent of Putin.
Borovoy idealizes Ukraine, calls on all “Russian creatures” to beg on their knees for forgiveness from several generations of the Ukrainian people. He calls for a change of power in Russia.
Because of his anti-Russian sentiment, Borovoy lost many connections and friends. He is not worried about this, since for the same reason he started a lot of new ones.
Konstantin Borovoy: personal life
Borovoy was married twice. He calls student marriage a mistake of youth. In that marriage there was a daughter, Yulia, who died in 2008.
Konstantin Natanovich met his second wife, Tatyana Vladimirovna, when he was teaching at the institute. He lived with this woman for many years and considers her his real destiny. They have a daughter together, Elena.
